From: Rick McCallister
Message: 53450
Date: 2008-02-16
> There is a whole layer of very archaic loan words______________________________________________________________________
> which appear in
> western Finno-Permic only. Often the originals are
> found in Germanic
> or Balto-Slavic only. This layer shows laryngeals
> but probably only
> the two later substitutions /sh/ and /k/ (not the
> Pre-Finnic
> fricative /X/). Thus an identification with late
> PIE=Corded ware
> complex could be a reasonable assumption.
>
> --- In cybalist@yahoogroups.com, Rick McCallister
> <gabaroo6958@...>
> wrote:
> >
> > Thanx for your patience.
> > I have an added conundrum for your consideration:
> >
> > http://koti.welho.com/jschalin/lexicon.htm
> >
> > ashes
> > Fi. kaski 'burnt-over clearing'
> > < PreF *kaski / *kaśki
> >
> > (see) Sw.aska 'ashes' < Gmc. *askōn 'ashes'
> > < ↑ PIE/PreG *ħæsk'-
> >
> >
> > This individual is comparing Finnish kaski to Gmc
> > *askon
> > Is s/he on the the right track?
> > If so, was there a stage when Gmc had laryngeals?
> Or
> > was Uralic in contact with an IE language with
> > laryngeals?
> >
> >
> >
> > --- Piotr Gasiorowski <gpiotr@...> wrote:
> >
> > > On 2008-02-13 19:17, Rick McCallister wrote:
> > >
> > > > And what are those reasons?
> > >
> > > For the vast majority of roots that have *a- in
> the
> > > Brugmannian
> > > reconstruction, Hittite shows <h-> if it has a
> > > cognate at all:
> > > halkuessar (*h2algWH-), ha:ssa- (*h2ah1s-),
> ha:nz
> > > (h2ant-), harki-
> > > (h2arg^-) etc. It's therefore safe to assume
> that
> > > Brugmannian *a-
> > > _almost_ always represents *h2a-. *o- is more
> > > tricky, since *h3o-
> > > accounts only for some of its occurrences, *h2o-
> > > being another common
> > > source (both have <h-> in Hittite). Words which
> have
> > > Hitt. <e-> or <a->
> > > may go back to *h1e-, *h1o- or *h1a- or reflect
> *e-,
> > > *o-, *a- without a
> > > consonantal onset. But where the two
> possibilities
> > > can be distinguished,
> > > we usually find some evidence of an initial
> > > laryngeal, e.g. *h1d-ónt-
> > > with a prothetic vowel in Gk. and Arm.,
> lengthening
> > > in Ved. á:sat- 'not
> > > being' < *n.-h1s-n.t- and ipf. 3pl. á:yan 'they
> > > went' < *e h1j-ent. Such
> > > evidence is of course easier to find for
> frequently
> > > used roots,
> > > occurring in diverse morphological environments,
> but
> > > if _they_ have to
> > > be reconstructed as *h1ed-, *h1es- and *h1ei-,
> at
> > > least some if not all
> > > of less common roots surely had *h1- as well and
> > > vowel-initial roots
> > > were at best rare in PIE.
> > >
> > > Piotr
> > >
> > >
> >
> >
> >
> >
>
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> >____________________________________________________________________________________
>
>
>