From: alexandru_mg3
Message: 65233
Date: 2009-10-14
>As you know, on the initial position RHC- > RH.C- and not R.HC
> On 2009-10-13 23:43, alexandru_mg3 wrote:
>
> > I) *g^nh3.h1-sk^e/o- (so a regular R(z)-sk^e/o-) would have been given
> > Grk. gnó:sko: (h3. > o) and maybe even the Latin (g)no:sco: (h3. > o)
> > The same *g^nh3.h1-sk^e/o- would have been given regularly Alb. njoh <
> > *gna:sk- < *gnah1sk- (with h3. > a)
>
> I think the nasal, being a sonorant, would have been more likely to
> undergo vocalisation in PIE than the adjacent obstruent, poducing
> something like *g^n.h3[h1]sk^e/o- (with the *h1 deleted from the surface
> form).
> The Latin development proposed above, *&3 > o, is ad hoc, cf.You are right regarding CHC, RHC or CRHC clusters
> datum < *d&3-tom. The zero-grade of the 'know' root in Latin is
> reflected as <gna:-> in <gna:rus> etc.
> > II) If h3. > a in Baltic: *g^n.-n-h3.h1-ti- would have been givenYes, you are right here, sorry : I wrongly thought that
> > regularly in-nah1-ti- > ina:-ti > inoti
>
> The nasal infix is regularly inserted before the _last_ consonant of the
> root, so one would expect *g^n.h3-ne-h1-ti instead.
> > III) For any o-grade formation I expect that *g^noh3h1- > *g^noh3I mean here similarly to -oRH- > -oR- to have -oHH- > -oH-
> > (based on the lost of laryngeals in o-grades)
> Other objections apart, a form with *o from *e coloured by *h3 is not anyou are right, but where I said something else?
> o-grade but the phonetic realisation of an underlying e-grade.
> PiotrMarius