Re: PIE *a -- a preliminary checklist

You will find the following Finnish words with reflexes of IE
laryngeals in the lexicon under the link below. Most of them have
entered Finnish etymological lexica during the last 20 years or so.
None of them is invented by me:

kalja
kaski
lehti
teke-
teho
tehda-s
tuoda
tuuli
kasa
kalvas/kalpea
kokea
rohto
kesä
inhi-m-i-
myy-dä
nai-nen
reht-o
suoni
suku
kulke
kasvaa

It makes 20+ but the list is not exhaustive. There are some words
lacking here that were lost in Finnish or that happen to lack
cognates in English.

Laryngelas were lost in non-Anatolian languages before they started
to be recorded in writing. Judged from this evidence they seem to
have been retained for quite long in pre-Balto-Slavic (and pre-
Germanic??).

I'm not an expert on the accentuation system of Balto-Slavic but I
reacall having read that the effect of laryngeals on the syllabic
structure is traceable in the accentuation of some daughter languages
(Lithuanian?, Slovenian?) even today.

Jouppe

--- In cybalist@yahoogroups.com, Rick McCallister <gabaroo6958@...>
wrote:

>
> Thanks for your explanation. I'm intrigued by how
> kaski ended up with *k-. My impression was that,
> except for traces in Greek and Armenian, non-Anatolian
> IE lost its laryngeals. Yet, I'm guessing Uralic could
> only have borrowed this word from Germanic,
> Balto-Slavic, Indo-Iranian or Tokharian. AFAIK, there
> were no other IE languages in the path of Uralic
> --unless we count Temematic.
>
>
> --- jouppe <jouppe@...> wrote:
>
> > In the oldest borrowings in Pre-Finnic it is more a
> > rule than an
> > exception that the second syllable is more or less
> > dropped as the
> > lexeme is adopted directly as a plain stem.
> > Parallels would include
> > onki, pursi, susi, vuori, vuosi and others.
> >
> > I have written about this at
> > http://koti.welho.com/jschalin/substitutions.htm
> >
> > substitution of PIE -zg- by Pre-Finnic -sk- is
> > parallelled by the PU
> > word *mos´ki- <= PIE *mozg-.
> >
> > The substitution by Pre-Finnic /sh/ (I use the
> > digraph here) is very
> > common in later, Proto-Baltic and Proto-German
> > loans.
> >
> > The word kaski also has no real competing etymology.
> >
> >
> > --- In cybalist@yahoogroups.com, "fournet.arnaud"
> > <fournet.arnaud@> wrote:
> > >
> > > > http://koti.welho.com/jschalin/lexicon.htm
> > > >
> > > > ashes
> > > > Fi. kaski 'burnt-over clearing'
> > > > < PreF *kaski / *kaśki
> > > >
> > > > (see) Sw.aska 'ashes' < Gmc. *askōn 'ashes'
> > > > < ↑ PIE/PreG *ħæsk'-
> > > >
> > > >
> > > > This individual is comparing Finnish kaski to
> > Gmc
> > > > *askon
> > >
> > > ========================
> > > Thank you for the link.
> > > Whatever value it may have,
> > > it's always interesting to roam thru data.
> > >
> > > As far as the *kaski from *askon is concerned,
> > > Preservation of -s- in Finnish is strange,
> > > meaning it should be recent (if the idea is true)
> > > Cf. hanhi out of *zhans-is
> > > Now the final -i- means Finnish borrowed *kask-,
> > > with no -on- ending.
> > >
> > > I have much difficulty to believe
> > > this borrowing *askon > *kask-
> > >
> > > I have nothing better to propose
> > > but I don't buy this story.
> > >
> > > Arnaud
> > > ==================
> > >
> >
> >
> >
>
>
>
>

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