From: jouppe
Message: 53447
Date: 2008-02-16
>______________________________________________________________________
> Thanx for your patience.
> I have an added conundrum for your consideration:
>
> http://koti.welho.com/jschalin/lexicon.htm
>
> ashes
> Fi. kaski 'burnt-over clearing'
> < PreF *kaski / *kaśki
>
> (see) Sw.aska 'ashes' < Gmc. *askōn 'ashes'
> < ↑ PIE/PreG *ħæsk'-
>
>
> This individual is comparing Finnish kaski to Gmc
> *askon
> Is s/he on the the right track?
> If so, was there a stage when Gmc had laryngeals? Or
> was Uralic in contact with an IE language with
> laryngeals?
>
>
>
> --- Piotr Gasiorowski <gpiotr@...> wrote:
>
> > On 2008-02-13 19:17, Rick McCallister wrote:
> >
> > > And what are those reasons?
> >
> > For the vast majority of roots that have *a- in the
> > Brugmannian
> > reconstruction, Hittite shows <h-> if it has a
> > cognate at all:
> > halkuessar (*h2algWH-), ha:ssa- (*h2ah1s-), ha:nz
> > (h2ant-), harki-
> > (h2arg^-) etc. It's therefore safe to assume that
> > Brugmannian *a-
> > _almost_ always represents *h2a-. *o- is more
> > tricky, since *h3o-
> > accounts only for some of its occurrences, *h2o-
> > being another common
> > source (both have <h-> in Hittite). Words which have
> > Hitt. <e-> or <a->
> > may go back to *h1e-, *h1o- or *h1a- or reflect *e-,
> > *o-, *a- without a
> > consonantal onset. But where the two possibilities
> > can be distinguished,
> > we usually find some evidence of an initial
> > laryngeal, e.g. *h1d-ónt-
> > with a prothetic vowel in Gk. and Arm., lengthening
> > in Ved. á:sat- 'not
> > being' < *n.-h1s-n.t- and ipf. 3pl. á:yan 'they
> > went' < *e h1j-ent. Such
> > evidence is of course easier to find for frequently
> > used roots,
> > occurring in diverse morphological environments, but
> > if _they_ have to
> > be reconstructed as *h1ed-, *h1es- and *h1ei-, at
> > least some if not all
> > of less common roots surely had *h1- as well and
> > vowel-initial roots
> > were at best rare in PIE.
> >
> > Piotr
> >
> >
>
>
>
>
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