Re: [tied] Re: Italic root *ored(h)- and ready

From: Abdullah Konushevci
Message: 39237
Date: 2005-07-15

On 7/15/05, elmeras2000 <jer@...> wrote:
> --- In cybalist@yahoogroups.com, Piotr Gasiorowski <gpiotr@...>
> wrote:
> > elmeras2000 wrote:
> >
> > > ... Now, for
> > > *reH1d-, that has the following effect: *O-reH1d-é/ó- > *O-rH1d-
> é/ó- >
> > > *O-rd-e/o- with loss of the laryngeal and therefore no
> aspiration, and
> > > finally PIE *ord-e/o-. The O-infix formations are thematic, so I
> would
> > > believe the Latin n-stem ordin- has a background comparable to
> the
> > > Germanic weak adjective: *-o-s => *-on-. This of course all
> depends on
> > > the corectness of a number of observations and rules about them
> which
> > > are not generally accepted (but never replaced by an alternative
> > > either!), so this is a possibility only to the precious few who
> really
> > > believe.
> >
> > I don't know if I'm a true believer, but I must say I'm greatly
> > impressed. What do you make of Slavic *reNdU 'row, order' and
> Baltic
> > *rínda:? One would like to integrate them somehow into this
> analysis.
> >
> > Piotr
>
> Thank you, Piotr. The short answer is, I don't know. The forms make
> me think of a problem of long standing which is hardly ever
> addressed. There are some surprising nasalized derivatives also from
> noun stems that show the nasal in a surprisingly early position.
>
> *k^erH2w- + -n- -> *k^r-n-u- 'horn'
> *trewH- + -n- -> *trnu- 'grass, thorn'?
>
> Might one perhaps think of a comparable process in
>
> *reH1d- + -n- -> *rnd- ??
>
> I find in Skok the SbCr forms re^d m., re^d, -i f., re"da f.,
> pointing to PSl *reN^dU m. (c), *reN^dI, -i f. (c?), *re"Nda f. (a).
> I see in Bezlaj's Etimolos^ki slovar slovenskega jezika III (1995),
> where practically every entry has been recast by Marko Snoj or Metka
> Furlan, that the latter posits a pair *reN^dU : *re"Nda on the
> pattern of *vor^nU : *vo"rna without further explanation. If
> anywhere near the truth it looks like vrddhi in a collective, itself
> a most respectful possibility. It would be of a relative late
> vintage, based as it is on the zero-grade, i.e. *rind-o-/*ri:nd-a:-.
>
> Now, Lat. ordo: is an n-stem, so perhaps there is a connection, and
> perhaps this even pulls the rug from under the find O-infix analysis
> of the unaspirated /d/. It is not solved in a second I'm afraid.
>
> Jens
************
Isn't much easier to see in the root *o:rdh- 'order, row' just a
variant of PIE *k'erdho-/k'erdha:- 'row, troop, line'. We have an
example in *kost- 'leg, bone' and *ost(h)- 'id.'.

Konushevci