From: Abdullah Konushevci
Message: 39219
Date: 2005-07-14
> --- In cybalist@yahoogroups.com, Carl Hult <datalampa@...> wrote:root
>
> > I was looking at the word ´order´ and found the proposed italic
> > for that word, *ored(h)- and saw how well it corresponds to theyou
> > germanic words for ready. The proposed root for ready is P.Gmc.
> > *garaidijaz and if one strips away the prefix ga- and the ending
> > will have a word that at least looks like italic *ored(h)-. I amwould
> > "ready" to accept a common root for these two words. What it
> look*reidh-
> > like I dare not say at this stage.
>
> It is not very easy, but the two do not appear to be related. I am
> pretty convinced by the old etymology for *ga-raidi- as meaning
> originally 'accessible on horseback', i.e. containing the root
> 'to ride'. The same verb exists in Celtic: OIr. riad- 'ride',note
> esp. the adjectives so-raid 'easy', do-raid 'difficult'(Celtic
> (properly "gut/schlecht bereitbar"), Welsh rhwydd 'easy, even'
> *su-/du-reidi-). The special original semantics is supported bythe
> fact that the ON adjective greidr 'easy' forms the compounds greid-may
> foer, greid-gengr both meaning 'passable' said of the terrain. It
> seem that German bereiten 'make ready' properly meant 'rideforest
> upon', 'subject to riding', probably in the sense of breaking
> and making the terrain passable. There is also a Lith. adj.suppose
> raidùs 'easy' and a Latvian causative verb raidi:t 'send'; I
> these originally meant 'easy to ride on' and 'make ride'.ordo:,
>
> I do not know where you have your "Italic root *ored(h)-" for
> ordinis from, but I can easily see how it was arrived at. There isa
> verb *re:dh-/*ro:dh- seen in Goth. ga-redan 'take care of', ONrádid 'speeks',
> ráda 'advise', Skt. ra:dhnóti 'bring in order', OIr.
> Slav. OCS raditi 'take care of'. Now, that points at first glanceto a
> root *reH1dh- alternating with *roH1dh-. That does not lend itselftoo
> easily to a connection with Lat. ordo: because the sequence *-rdh-preceding
> yields -rb- in Latin (verbum). So, to connect them we need an
> unaspirated *d.
>
> It now so happens that a synchronic root *reH1dh- may simply
> have "preaspiration", i.e. aspiration of a stop induced by a
> H1 or H2. This is a rule discovered by my wife Birgit Olsen andamong
> presented a number of times already, apparently with little echo
> those in a position to shape general opinions. There is a shortthere is
> presentation in the Zürich Fachtagung (1992, publ. 1994), and
> also the first presentation in her study on The PIE Instrument-Noun
> suffix *-tlom and its Variants" from the Danish VidenskabernesSelskab
> in 1988, and now the utilization for the clarification of theLatin
> suffix -idus in Historische Sprachforschung 116 from 2003. I maybe
> under suspicion of being biased, and I am certainly not so biasedIE
> against it as the belligerant phalanx that wants to monopolize
> opinions, but let me just report the theory: In a prestage of the
> protolanguage, the sequences *-H1-T- and *-H2-T- (T being aplosive)
> were fused to aspirates *-Th-. Practically all examples involve H+ t
> yielding IE *th, a phoneme that constitutes a red rag on thestructure *-
> opposition. It is not quite clear to what extent the laryngeal was
> lost in the process; there are clear examples both of the
> eH1t- > *-eH1th- > -e:th- with a laryngeal-induced long vowel andof
> the structure *-eH1t- > *-eth- with loss of the laryngeal andno
> therefore a short vowel in the result. Some of the long vowels are
> doubt due to secondary restoration of the laryngeal, but it is notyet
> clear if that can be extended to all cases. But suffice it to sayfor
> our present purpose that *re:dh- can indeed reflect original*reH1d-
> with UNaspirated *d.and
>
> Now for the *o- and loss of the laryngeal. I have worked that out,
> by the phalanx mentioned this is now called Saussure's rule.Saussure
> noticed that reflexes of laryngeals were missing in a few Greekwords
> which had the vocalism -o- and he said that was regular, but neversome
> stated a rule. I subjected the matter to a closer inspection in my
> Danish doctor's dissertation of 1989 (publ. in Innsbruck), finding
> that it worked only with a special kind of o-vocalism which had
> very surprising qualities which were only understandable if the ohad
> once been a consonant. I therefore posited a pre-PIE "infixal O"which
> explained all the funny observations. I later found that thiselement
> was not infixed, but prefixed, if the root began with r-. Now, foré/ó- >
> *reH1d-, that has the following effect: *O-reH1d-é/ó- > *O-rH1d-
> *O-rd-e/o- with loss of the laryngeal and therefore no aspiration,and
> finally PIE *ord-e/o-. The O-infix formations are thematic, so Iwould
> believe the Latin n-stem ordin- has a background comparable to thedepends on
> Germanic weak adjective: *-o-s => *-on-. This of course all
> the corectness of a number of observations and rules about themwhich
> are not generally accepted (but never replaced by an alternativereally
> either!), so this is a possibility only to the precious few who
> believe. On this list I have had the funny experience that mybeen
> observations have practically all been accepted, but a fight has
> going on to replace my account of their background by anythingelse
> that could work more poorly. I should perhaps feel flattered thatmy
> theories are currently subjected to attempts of hijacking, but Iwould
> have preferred a more constructive climate of scholarly discussion.ga-
>
> Thus, under the rules observed in this house Latin ordo: and Goth.
> redan can indeed be related, but ON greidr cannot.************
>
> Jens