--- In
cybalist@yahoogroups.com, "dgkilday57" <dgkilday57@...> wrote:
>
> --- In cybalist@yahoogroups.com, Piotr Gasiorowski <gpiotr@> wrote:
> >
> > W dniu 2012-02-13 22:03, dgkilday57 pisze:
> >
> > > [...]
>
> > > Olsen's whole scheme looks like a way to justify denying
> > > *-dHlo-/*-dHleh2- by lumping the reflexes together with *-tlo-/*-tleh2-,
> > > and while this may be ingenious per se, the ramifications are starting
> > > to look as complicated as a system of Ptolemaic epicycles. I think the
> > > Copernican thing to do is to accept *-dHlo-/*-dHleh2- (which need not be
> > > primary, since *-dH- was a root-extension and *-lo'- a suffix).
> >
> > If you are interested in her full argument (which won me over), I have
> > to refer you to her own work:
> >
> > Olsen, Birgit Anette. 1988. The Proto-Indo-European Instrument Noun
> > Suffix *-tlom and its Variants. Copenhagen: Royal Danish Academy of
> > Sciences and Letters.
> >
> > -- 2008. "How many suffixes did Proto-Indo-European have?". In Jens
> > Elmegård Rasmussen and Thomas Olander (eds.), Internal Reconstruction in
> > Indo-European: Methods, Results, and Problems, Copenhagen: Museum
> > Tusculanum Press, 187-204.
>
> I will look for these. In the meantime, Greek <stathmo's> 'stall' and Germanic *sto:d- 'stood' (and most likely Oscan <Staf[ii]anam> acc. sg. fem. 'Stabian, leading to Stabiae') show that the 'stand' root could be extended by *-dH-, so that those who object to *-dHlo- as a productive PIE suffix could simply segment the protoform of <stabulum> as *st&2dH-lo' (or as I prefer with *h4).
Google Books' Scrooge-like snippet view allowed me to glimpse a few relevant scraps of Olsen's monograph before the SmartScrooge technology realized that I was trying to piece together connected passages and closed down all further snippet-viewing. I feel like an intellectual voyeur, lurking in the bushes and peering through the blinds. (All right, forget the "intellectual" part.)
Anyhow, Olsen says that Lat. <stabulum> "appears to have replaced *sta:bulum", which she compares to Skt. <sthá:tram>. I can find no such Skt. form in Uhlenbeck's dictionary. Regardless, let us suppose for argument's sake that *sta:bulum was the inherited Lat. form, shortened perhaps by contamination with <stabilis>. Then the PIE protoform had full grade, and if I understand Olsen's theory correctly, *stéh2-tlom was preaspirated to *stéh2tHlom without laryngeal absorption, leading to Proto-Italic *sta:Tlom and the assumed Lat. *sta:bulum. (Surface-truthers are free to substitute -ah2- for -eh2-, to-mah-toes for to-may-toes, whatever.) We must then find some other way to explain Lat. <Sta:tius> and Osc. <Staatiis>, since Olsen's theory would demand *Sta:dius and *Staafiis if they were derived from *steh2-tH-.
Lat. <su:bula> 'awl' appears to have the zero-grade of <su:tus> 'sewn', continuing PIE *sjuh{x}-. However, since <su:bula> is first attested with Seneca, it might conceivably be a neologism formed after <su:tus> on the model of <fa:bula> 'speech, story' against <fa:tus> 'having spoken', and cannot by itself refute Olsen's model. It is generally agreed that the participle <fa:tus> has replaced short-vowel *fatus (cf. Grk. <phatós>), which survives in the specialized sense <fatum> 'decree, fate' in Plautus, later <fa:tum>. I presume that the Olsenian protoform of <fa:bula> is full-grade PIE *bHéh2-tleh2- > *bHéh2tHleh2- > PItc *fa:Tla:-.
Lacking sufficient snippets, I do not know how Olsen explains Grk. <génethlon>, <genéthle:> 'lineage, descent'. It looks for all the world as though *-dHlo-/*-dHleh2- has been appended to the full-grade PIE root *g^enh1-. If Olsen regards such a suffix as a mirage, her model of *sta:bulum implies a protoform *g^énh1-tlom > *g^énh1tHlom, with *tH and *dH falling together in Greek as in Italic. But if *h1 and *h2 in this position preaspirate, we have no explanation for Grk. <genéto:r>, <genéte:s>, <geneté:r> 'begetter', <geneté:> 'birth', etc., unless we invoke ad-hoc analogical deaspiration which somehow missed <génethlon>. Likewise, Skt. <janitár-> and Lat. <genitor> show no preaspiration; one would expect *janithár- and *genibor under the model above. For that matter, the Skt. full-grade adjectives <pra:tá-> 'full' and <sna:tá-> 'bathed, wet' should have -th- on Olsen's theory, since the protoforms *pleh1-tó- and *sneh2-tó- satisfy her conditions for preaspiration. Indeed Latin should have *-ple:bus 'filled'. Explebive delebed!
In order to explain Lat. <po:culum> on her theory, Olsen must assume that *h3 does not preaspirate, and the protoform is full-grade *péh3-tlo-. In my post on <stlocus> I argued that /o/-grade is more likely, with *poh3-tló- underlying both <po:culum> and Skt. <pa:tra->. In the view presented there, *-tlo-derivatives of /e/-grade transitives take zero-grade: from *peu- 'to propagate, *pu-tló- 'son' (Skt. <putrá->, Osc. acc. sg. <puklum>); from *g^Heu- 'to pour', Grk. <khútlon> 'fluid' (with retracted accent due to early substantivization). But similar derivatives of /o/-grade causatives retain /o/-grade: *peh3- 'to be down' > *poh3- 'to down, drink' > *poh3-tló-; *dHegWH- 'to be warm' > *dHogWH- 'to warm' > *dHogWH-tló- 'warming implement' > Lat. <foculus> 'brazier', reinterpreted as a diminutive yielding <focus> 'hearth'; *sleg(^)H- 'to be in its proper place' > *slog(^)H- 'to organize' > *slog(^)H-tló- 'compartment' > Lat. *stloculus 'niche, small place', whence <(st)locus> 'place'.
While Olsen's *h1/*h2-preaspiration theory is ingenious, to me it requires too many ad-hoc bandages in order to explain the absence of preaspiration from forms not ascribed to *-tHlo-. I prefer to retain *-dHlo- instead. It seems to have escaped scholars that while <stabulum> and <su:bula> denote implements, <fa:bula> and <génethlon> do not. This distinction corresponds to the observed root-grade, so I propose that we are dealing with separate formations:
1. Zero-grade implemental nouns in PIE *-ló- following extended roots in *-dH-, effectively carrying an implemental suffix *-dHló-. Here belong <stabulum> 'standing place, stable', <su:bula> 'sewing implement, awl', and <tabula> 'implement for removing objects, broad flat board, plank'.
2. Full-grade quantitative nouns in a distinct PIE suffix *´-dHlo-. Here belong <pa:bulum> 'quantity of food, load of fodder, fodder', <fa:bula> 'quantity of speech, discourse, story', and <génethlon> 'quantity of begetting, pedigree, descent'.
As always, the foregoing is subject to revision.
DGK