w-glide

Also, why does <vienas> "one" have <v->? Is it the same reason Russian <vosem'> "eight" has <v->? (Which, I assume, is due to the development of an original [w]-glide before the /o/ in initial position, analogous to the development of /v-/< *[w-] in initial *u: becoming <vy-> as in <vydra> "otter").

>
> Andrew

Rick Derksen
Etymological Dictionary
of the Slavic Inherited Lexicon

'*o,dÃ¬ti v. (c) 'smoke'
W Cz. uditi; Pl. wÄdziÄ
S
Sln. vodÃti, 1sg. vodÃm;
odÃti 'smoke', 1sg. odÃm
PIE *(s)uondh-
Cogn.
OHG swintan 'fade, pine away, wither';
OE swindan 'subside, fade'
See also: *svÄdno,ti; *uvÄdati; *vÄdno,ti

*Ã²,glÑ m. i (a) 'coal'
CS OCS o,glÑ (Ps. Sin., Supr.) m.(i)
E Ru. Ãºgolâ m.(jo), Gsg. Ãºglja, Gsg. ugljÃ¡
W Cz. uhel m.(jo); Slk. uhoÄ¾ m.(jo); Pl. wÄgiel m.(jo)
S
SCr. `Ã¹galj m.(jo), Gsg. `Ã¹glja;
`Ã¹glje:n m.(o), Gsg. `Ã¹gljena;
Äak. `Ã¹gÄ¼en (Vrg.) m.(o), Gsg. `Ã¹gÄ¼ena;
Sln. Ã´,gÉÅ m.(o), Gsg. Ã´,gla;
vÃ´,gÉÅ m.(o), Gsg. vÃ´,gla
BSl. *on?glis
B
Lith. angls f.(i) 4; Ã¡nglis m.(io) 1; aÃ±glis m.(io) 2;
Latv. Ã¹ogle f.(e:)
PIE *h1ongw-l-
Cogn.
Skt. Ã¡n.gÄra- (RV+) m. 'coal' (with a suffix *-Å:l-)
Probably a hysterodynamic l-stem.
See also: *Ã²gÅÑ; *vygÑÅÑ; *vygÑÅa

*Ã´,gÑlÑ m. o (c) 'corner'
CS OCS o,gÑlÑ
E Ru. Ãºgol, Gsg. uglÃ¡
W Cz. Ãºhel; Slk. uhol; Pl. wÄgieÅ
S
SCr. `Ã¹gal (dial.);
Sln. Ã´,gÉÅ, Gsg. Ã´,gla;
vÃ´,gÉÅ, Gsg. vÃ´,gla;
Bulg. ÄÂ´gÄl
PIE *h2eng-
Cogn.
Lat. angulus m. 'corner, angle';
OIc. ekkja f. 'ankle, heelâ;
Arm. ankiwn 'corner'
Derivative in *-ÑlÑ of *o,g- < *h2eng-.

*o,gorÑ m. jo 'eel'
E Ru. Ãºgor' âeel, blackhead', Gsg. ugrjÃ¡
W
Cz. ÃºhoÅ 'eel';
Slk. Ãºhor m.(o) 'eel';
uhor m.(o) 'pork tapeworm, blackhead', Gsg. uhra;
Pl. wÄgorz 'eel';
USrb. wuhor 'eel'; LSrb. wugoÅ 'eel'
S
SCr. `Ã¹gor m.(o) 'eel';
Äak. `Ã¹gor (Vrg.) m.(o) 'conger eel', Gsg. `Ã¹gora;
`Ã¹gÅr (Novi) m.(o) 'conger eel', Gsg. `Ã¹gora;
Sln. ogÃ³,r 'eel', Gsg. ogÃ³,rja
BSl. *angurio-
B
Lith. ungury~s m.(io) 'eel' (with E. Lith. un- < *an-)
OPr. angurgis m.(io) 'eel'
PIE *h2engwh-ur-io-
Cogn.
Lat. anguilla f. 'eel';
Fi. ankerias 'eel'
See also: *Ã³,Å¾Ñ

*o,kotÑ f. i
CS SerbCS o,kotÑ 'hook'
E ORu. ukotâ 'claw, anchor'
BSl. *h2onk-
B Lith. Ã¡nka (K, WP) f. 1 'snare, noose'
Cogn.
Skt. a.nkÃ¡- (RV+) m. 'hook, clamp';
Gk. `ÏÎ³ÎºÎ¿Ï m. 'hook';
Lat. uncus 'hook m.
The root of this derivative is *h2onk-, cf. Lat. ancus (Paul. ex Fest.) m. 'with crooked arms' < *h2enk-. For the meaning of the root, cf. Skt. aÃ±c- 'bend'.

*o,sÑ m. o (b) 'moustache'
CS RuCS o,sÑ 'moustache, beard'
E Ru. us 'hair of a moustache, whisker', Npl. usÃ½ 'moustache'
W
Cz. vous 'beard hair', Npl. vousy 'beard';
Pl. wÄs 'moustache', Npl. wÄsy 'moustache'
S
Sln. vÃ´,s 'moustache', Npl. vosi 'id.';
vÃ³,se Npl. f.(Ä) 'moustache'
BSl. *wÃ³nsum
B
Lith. uÃµstai (Å½em.) Npl. m.(o) 2 'moustache'
OPr. wanso 'first beard'
PIE *uondh-s-om
Cogn.
OHG wintbrÄwa f. 'eye-lash';
MIr. find m. 'hair'

*Å,trÃ² n. o (b) 'inside, coe'
E
Ru. nutrÃ³ 'inside, coe';
Bel. nutrÃ³ 'inside, coe';
Ukr. nutrÃ³ 'inside, coe'
PIE *h1on-tr-Ã³-m
Cogn.
ÄntrÃ¡- (RV, AV+) n. 'intestine' (with unexplained a);
Gk. `ÎvÏÎµpÎ± Npl. n. 'entrails'
The initial n- originates from vÑn- 'in' as a result of reanalysis, cf. -> *o,trÑ.

*Å,trÃ²ba f. Ä (a) 'entrails'
CS OCS o,troba 'entrails'
E Ru. utrÃ³ba 'womb, (coll.) belly'
W
Cz. Ãºtroba 'entrails';
Slk. Ãºtroba 'entrails, womb';
Pl. wÄtroba 'entrails'
S
SCr. `Ã¹troba 'intestines, womb';
Äak. utr`Ã²ba (Vrg.) 'intestines';
utr`Ã²ba (Orb.) 'intestines';
Sln. otrÃ³ba 'entrails, womb';
vÃ³,troba (Meg., Dalm.) 'entrails'
PIE *h1on-tro-
Cogn.
Skt.
ÄntrÃ¡- (RV, AV+) n. 'intestine';
Gk. `ÎvÏÎµpÎ± Npl. n. 'entrails'
Slavic has a suffix *-ba, cf. OCS zÑloba 'badness'.
See also: *jÄdrÃ²; *jÄtrÃ²; *Å,trÃ ; o,trÑ

*o,trÑ adv. 'inside, within'
CS OCS o,trÑ (Supr.); vÑno,trÑ
E Ru. vnutr' adv./prep.; vnutrÃ adv./prep.; ORu. utrÑ
W Cz. vnitÅ; uvnitÅ; OCz. vÅutÅ; Slk. vnÃºtri; Pl. wewnÄtrz
S SCr. unÃºtar; unÃºtra; Sln. nÃ´,tÉr 'in, inside'; nÃ³,tri 'inside'
Adverb based on *h1on-tr-, cf. -> *Å,trÃ².

*o,ty f. Å« 'duck'
CS CS o,ty f.(Å«)
E
Ru. Ãºtka f.(Ä); utvÃ¡ (dial.) f.(Ä);
ORu. uty ?? f.(Å«), Gsg. utÑve;
utovÑ f.(Å«);
Bel. uÄ f.(i)
S
SCr. `Ã¹tva f.(Ä);
Sln. Ã´,tva f.(Ä)
BSl. *an?t-
B
Lith. Ã¡ntis f.(i) 1
OPr. antis (EV)
PIE *h2enh2-t-
Cogn.
Skt. ÄtÃ- f. 'aquatic bird';
Lat. anas f. 'duck';
OHG anut f. 'duck'

*o,ziti v. 'constrain'
CS
RuCS o,ziti 'constrain, torture' (cf. OCS o,ziliÅ¡te n. 'prison')
E
Ru. Ãºzit' 'make narrow, straiten', 1sg. ÃºÅ¾u, 3sg. Ãºzit;
ORu. uziti 'constrain, torture'
S
SCr. Ãºziti 'make narrow, straiten', 1sg. Ã»zÄ«m
PIE *h2omÄ£h-eie-
For the root, see -> *o,zÑkÑ.

*Ã²,zlÑ m. o (a) 'knot'
CS SerbCS o,zlÑ; vo,zlÑ
E Ru. Ãºzel, Gsg. uzlÃ¡
W Cz. uzel; Slk. uzol; Pl. wÄzeÅ
S
SCr. `Ã¹zao, Gsg. `Ã¹zla;
Äak. Ã»zaÄ¼ (Vrg.), Gsg. Ã»zÄ¼a;
Ã»zal (Novi), Gsg. Ã»zla;
wÃ´zalj (Orb.) m.(jo);
Sln. vÃ³zÉÅ, Gsg. vÃ³zla;
Ã³zÉÅ, Gsg. Ã³zla;
Bulg. vÄÂ´zel
BSl. *on?Åº-(Å)l-
B
Lith. ÄÂ´Å¾uolas 1/3 âoak';
Latv. uÃ´zuÃµls âoak'
OPr. ansonis âoak'
In his list of laryngealized roots in Slavic, Kortlandt (1975a: 63) groups the above-mentioned Slavic and Baltic together, which since a publication by ZubatÃ½ is not uncommon. This etymology is sometimes integrated with the hypothesis that *Ã²,zlÑ is cognate with -> *vÄzati. In view of the tone of the root this connection is problematic.

*o,zÑkÑ adj. o 'narrow'
CS OCS o,zÑkÑ
E Ru. Ãºzkij; Ãºzok, f. uzkÃ¡, n. Ãºzko
W Cz. ÃºzkÃ½; Slk. Ãºzky; Pl. wqzki
S
SCr. `Ã¹zak, f. `Ã¹ska, f. usk`Ã ;
Äak. `Ã¹sak, f. usk`Ã , n. `Ã¹sko;
Sln. Ã³,zÉk, f. Ã³,zka
BSl. *anÅº-(u)-
B Lith. aÃ±kÅ¡tas
PIE *h2emÄ£h-u-
Cogn.
Skt. am.hÃº-;
Lat. angustus;
Go. aggwus
See also: *o,ziti; *vÄzati; *uvÄsti

*Ã³,Å¾Ñ m. jo (b) 'snake'
E Ru. uÅ¾ 'snake', Gsg. uÅ¾Ã¡; ORu. uÅ¾Ñ 'snake'
W
Cz. uÅ¾ovka f. 'adder';
Slk. uÅ¾ovka f. 'adder';
Pl. wÄÅ¼ 'snake', Gsg. wÄÅ¼a;
USrb. wuÅ¾ 'grass snake';
LSrb. wuÅ¾ 'snake, (dial.) maggot'
S
Äak. wÃµÅ¡ (Orb.) 'kind of black snake', Gsg. woÅ¾`Ã ;
Sln. Ã³,Å¾ 'grass snake';
vo,4Å¾ 'snake'
BSl. *angi(o)s
B
Lith. angÃ¬s f.(i) 4 'snake';
Latv. uÃ´dze f.(e:) 'adder'
PIE *h2engwh-i-
Cogn.
Lat. anguis m. 'snake';
OHG unc m. 'snake';
MIr. escung m. 'eel'
See also: *o,gÑrÑ

It seems the w-glide has something to do with an original nasal wovel, and especially Polish is prone to it.

An odd example:
German Winkel "corner, angle, place, spot" (Dutch winkel "shop")
http://dictionary.reverso.net/german-english/Winkel
Polish wÄgiel "corner", cf Ã´,gÑlÑ above, cognate with Latin angulus.
In other words it looks as if High German borrowed this word from a Low German loan of the Polish word.

Using the same alternate w-glide we can match German Anger, Danish eng "meadow" with Danish vang "field"
http://da.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vang_(jordbrug) ,
and the
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vangiones
with the Igylliones?

Otherwise, how about making the Igylliones wÄglarze
http://pl.wikipedia.org/wiki/W%C4%99glarz_(zaw%C3%B3d)
ie.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Charcoal
makers (why doesn't that profession have a name in English?)?

Or, cf.
*vÃ½gÑÅÑ; *vÃ½gÑÅa m jo; f jÄ 'forge'
W
Cz. vÃ½heÅ f.(i/jÄ) 'forge, hearth, blazing heat';
Slk. vyhÅa f. (jÄ) 'forge, hearth';
USrb. wuheÅ m.(jo) 'chimney, stove-pipe'
S
SCr. v`Ã¬ganj m.(jo) 'forge';
Sln. vÃgÉnj m.(jo) 'forge, hearth, sledge-hammer'
The root *vyg- reflects *un?g < *h1ngw-. Here Winter's law was not blocked by a cluster *ngn, nor was the root affected by lowering (-> Ã²gÅÑ, *Ã²,glÑ). There is no reason to assume that the initial *v is the preposition 'in', cf. *v`ydra.

perhaps 'the smiths'?

Torsten