dive (was Re: Sos-)

From: Torsten
Message: 65889
Date: 2010-02-24

--- In cybalist@yahoogroups.com, johnvertical@... wrote:
>
> > > (At least the last three steps propose actual conditions. The
> > > initial six-way split does not seem to be even falsifiable.)
> >
> > Assumptions made in linguistic reconstructions rarely are;
>
> Soundlaws quite frequently are. A proposed soundlaw *k > t in
> English for example would be easily falsified by examples like
> "can", "wake", "king", "ask".

Yes, for a rule or set of rules which lead to empirical forms that is true. But to demand direct falsifiability of a rule which leads to reconstructed forms, eg in Proto-Germanic from PIE, is meaningless, and you know that.

The alternations in the previous postings (../../..) should be understood as representing alternative developments of a phoneme in either different contexts in one language or ditto in several descendant languages.

> > the best strategy for evaluation is a secondary one for Popper
> > and resembles Occam: most forms explained with fewest assumptions.
>
> And "unconditional split" is a fairly big assumption.

I don't understand what you mean.

> > > > and get
> > > >
> > > > *sá:-/*sák-/*sáp-/*sank´-/*samp´-
> > > > *sú:-/*súk-/*súp-/*sunk´-/*sump´-
> > > >
> > > > which would solve the 'Suomi' mystery
>
> > > Several possible etymologies exist, there's no need to posit a
> > > yet another one
> >
> > You don't really want me to comment on that, do you?
>
> Why wouldn't I?

Because it is difficult to do without making you look like a fool.

> If we have X number of fairly plausible etymologies, adding one
> that seems less plausible is not progress.

That's not what you just said, you added a new and subjective premise. Why are you cheating on the scale?

> If you can argue it to be more plausible than it appears at face
> value, then by all means go on.

So long as you present no argument against my hypothesis I think I'll go on regardless.

>
> > > (at least one involving all sorts of hypothetical forms).
> >
> > Reconstructions are hypothesis. I thought you knew?
>
> Reconstructions within extant families are one layer of hypothesis.
> I'm referring to the substratal layer you're proposing underneath
> it, which does not appear to be a reconstruction in the comparativ
> sense.

What exactly about it is it you object to?

>
> > If you are asking for which forms it purports to explain
>
> Yes, that's exactly it.
>
> > look at 'sump' here:
> > http://runeberg.org/svetym/0995.html
>
> I don't see a need to assume any velar variants if that's all we
> are explaining.

There are all the "suck" words here:
http://tech.groups.yahoo.com/group/cybalist/message/62677
There is the "sink" stuff:
http://tech.groups.yahoo.com/group/cybalist/message/43771
http://tech.groups.yahoo.com/group/cybalist/message/43779

>
> > > > and on the connection to supposed PIE *pen- "swamp"
> > > > http://tech.groups.yahoo.com/group/cybalist/message/63881
> > > > Funky.
> > >
> > > _Bagno_ with voiced stops and a common Slavic distribution
> > > quite clearly cannot be a loan from Finnic.
> >
> > Of course it can if the Slavic language family has a Finno-Ugric
> > substrate.
>
> Undemonstrated speculation.

1. For "have", Slavic has a prepositional phrase with a locality preposition, Finnic has a local case (neither has dative as in Latin)
2. For the object of negative statements Slavic uses genitive, Finnic partitive.
3. Slavic m.n. genitive is derived from the old PIE ablative which ended in -t, the Finnic partitive suffix is *-ta (IIRC)

And I'm talking all of Slavic.

> > The alternative is that both loaned from an unrelated substrate,
> > ie the ar-/ur- etc language.
>
> False dichotomy. I'm going with the default alternativ of
> "unrelated".

Which entails that PIE had
1. bagn- "swamp"
2. pan- "swamp"
Are you sure that holds up?

>
> > > > Instead a loan *paN- ? Cf.
> > > >
> > > > 1 pin´: (Sal. pinli), pl. pi`n´n´&^D (neu: sùomli, pl. -st)
> > > > finne (finnländer);
> > > > s. pin´-mo:, pi`n´n´&^mìez.
> > >
> > > Transparently a loan from _Finn_. This provides no new insight.
> >
> > No exactly transparent. The one thing which points in that
> > direction
>
> Perhaps I should've said "transparently one is a loan from the
> other".
>
> > is the root -i- vs. Tacitus' -e- in Fenni, which makes it likely
> > the word participated in Gmc *-en- > *-in-.
>
> Another thing is that this word only occurs in Livonian.

What would that prove?


> > > BTW note that there's no a/u "alternation" in "salt" in Uralic.
> > > *a is regularly reflected as Komi /o/ ~ Udmurt /u/, and the
> > > latter under some conditions
> >
> > And they are?
>
> I've only seen the change mention'd in literature in passing (and
> I've yet to read the latest treatise on Permic historical
> phonology).
>
>
> > Okay, so there is a/u alternation in Komi and Udmurt, under some
> > conditions.
>
> Um no, I said there's a development u > ï in Udmurt in some words
> in some dialects (no alternation, no /a/, and not in Komi).

Sorry, I was being imprecise: there is an alternation a/u within Uralic
http://tech.groups.yahoo.com/group/cybalist/message/62618

>
> > > Connecting this to "salt" has semantical problems, /ï/; long
> > > *a: regularly > *o: in Finnic.
> >
> > Don't try connecting them in Finnic then.
>
> You managed to mess my quote somehow. That vowel part went with the
> previous section.

???

> The semantic gap between "island" and "salt" does not seem any
> smaller in other languages.

The semantic gap between "island" and "salt" is the same in all languages since it is a semantic gap.


> > The a/u-alternation I am referring to is that of the ar-/ur-
> > language; I suspect it arises from denasalization of a nasal
> > vowel -aN- (cf. -aN- > -u- in Russian).
>
> That has no relation to denasalization; it's a~: > o~: > o: > u: >
> u, plain old long vowel raising.

OK, so aN >> (o: >) u:.
The alternation is also manifested as a/o:, BTW.


> > The nasalization might have been 'sweated out' in auslaut as an
> > -n# which was then rhotacized > -r#,
>
> Is this a hypothetical or evidenced rhotacism?

See below.


> > which means there must have been a word or morpheme boundary
> > after the -ar-'s and -ur-'s Kuhn found in river names etc.
>
> So you've now turn'd an apparent ar/ur alternation into a
> hypothetized aN/uN alternation. What did this accomplish, other
> than the addition of some extra assumptions?

It gives me an alternative way to explain the prenasalized forms.


Torsten