From: johnvertical@...
Message: 65887
Date: 2010-02-23
> > (At least the last three steps propose actual conditions. TheSoundlaws quite frequently are. A proposed soundlaw *k > t in English for example would be easily falsified by examples like "can", "wake", "king", "ask".
> > initial six-way split does not seem to be even falsifiable.)
>
> Assumptions made in linguistic reconstructions rarely are;
> the best strategy for evaluation is a secondary one for Popper and resembles Occam: most forms explained with fewest assumptions.And "unconditional split" is a fairly big assumption.
> > > and getWhy wouldn't I?
> > >
> > > *sá:-/*sák-/*sáp-/*sank´-/*samp´-
> > > *sú:-/*súk-/*súp-/*sunk´-/*sump´-
> > >
> > > which would solve the 'Suomi' mystery
> > Several possible etymologies exist, there's no need to posit a
> > yet another one
>
> You don't really want me to comment on that, do you?
> > (at least one involving all sorts of hypothetical forms).Reconstructions within extant families are one layer of hypothesis. I'm referring to the substratal layer you're proposing underneath it, which does not appear to be a reconstruction in the comparativ sense.
>
> Reconstructions are hypothesis. I thought you knew?
> If you are asking for which forms it purports to explainYes, that's exactly it.
> look at 'sump' here:I don't see a need to assume any velar variants if that's all we are explaining.
> http://runeberg.org/svetym/0995.html
> > > and on the connection to supposed PIE *pen- "swamp"Undemonstrated speculation.
> > > http://tech.groups.yahoo.com/group/cybalist/message/63881
> > > Funky.
> >
> > _Bagno_ with voiced stops and a common Slavic distribution quite
> > clearly cannot be a loan from Finnic.
>
> Of course it can if the Slavic language family has a Finno-Ugric substrate.
> The alternative is that both loaned from an unrelated substrate, ie the ar-/ur- etc language.False dichotomy. I'm going with the default alternativ of "unrelated".
> > > Instead a loan *paN- ? Cf.Perhaps I should've said "transparently one is a loan from the other".
> > >
> > > 1 pin´: (Sal. pinli), pl. pi`n´n´&^D (neu: sùomli, pl. -st)
> > > finne (finnländer);
> > > s. pin´-mo:, pi`n´n´&^mìez.
> >
> > Transparently a loan from _Finn_. This provides no new insight.
>
> No exactly transparent. The one thing which points in that direction
> is the root -i- vs. Tacitus' -e- in Fenni, which makes it likely the word participated in Gmc *-en- > *-in-.Another thing is that this word only occurs in Livonian.
> > BTW note that there's no a/u "alternation" in "salt" in Uralic.I've only seen the change mention'd in literature in passing (and I've yet to read the latest treatise on Permic historical phonology).
> > *a is regularly reflected as Komi /o/ ~ Udmurt /u/, and the
> > latter under some conditions
>
> And they are?
> Okay, so there is a/u alternation in Komi and Udmurt, under some conditions.Um no, I said there's a development u > ï in Udmurt in some words in some dialects (no alternation, no /a/, and not in Komi).
> > Connecting this to "salt" has semantical problems, /ï/; long *a:You managed to mess my quote somehow. That vowel part went with the previous section.
> > regularly > *o: in Finnic.
>
> Don't try connecting them in Finnic then.
> The a/u-alternation I am referring to is that of the ar-/ur- language; I suspect it arises from denasalization of a nasal vowel -aN- (cf. -aN- > -u- in Russian).That has no relation to denasalization; it's a~: > o~: > o: > u: > u, plain old long vowel raising.
> The nasalization might have been 'sweated out' in auslaut as an -n# which was then rhotacized > -r#,Is this a hypothetical or evidenced rhotacism?
> which means there must have been a word or morpheme boundary after the -ar-'s and -ur-'s Kuhn found in river names etc.So you've now turn'd an apparent ar/ur alternation into a hypothetized aN/uN alternation. What did this accomplish, other than the addition of some extra assumptions?