Re: kentum/satem built-in already in PIE?

> The particular formation of *prositi reflects the PIE
> causative/iterative in *-eje/o- (*prok^-ejo:, *prok^-éjeti),
> with the somewhat irregular "smoothing out" of the suffix
> to *-jo-/*-i:-. It's particularly instructive to compare
> some simple thematic presents with the related
> causatives/iteratives:
>
> PIE *h1nék^-e/o-, Slavic *nes-ti 'carry'
>
> 1sg. *nesoN, 3sg. *nesetI
>
> PIE *(h1)nok^-éje/o-, Slavic nos-i-ti (iter.)
>
> 1sg. *nos^oN (with *s^ < *-s-j-), 3sg. *nositI
>
> (this immediately refutes your suggestion)
>

I stand instructed.

So, let me see if I got this straight:

The causative suffix *-ejo-/*-eje- assumes the special
form *-jo-/*-i:-, of which the first has an initial -j-,
the second doesn't, which combine with a preceding -s-,
here from -k^-, to form -s^- and -s-, respectively
which immediately refutes my suggestion.


Does this happen also after a stem in final PIE -s-?


Torsten