-On 2006-08-03 17:22, tgpedersen wrote:
>
> Now suppose I claim
>
> PPIE
> 1 sg *prakam
> 3 sg *prakat
>
> -> PIE
> *prokõ
> *proc^it
> (with ablaut vowel -> i)
>
> ->
>
> *pros^õ
> *prosit
>
> How should that be refuted then?
The ablaut vowel _never_ becomes Slavic *i (normally reflecting older
*i: or *ei). Cf. the *bHéreti pattern (Slavic *beroN, *beretI; *pekoN,
pec^etI). The particular formation of *prositi reflects the PIE
causative/iterative in *-eje/o- (*prok^-ejo:, *prok^-éjeti), with the
somewhat irregular "smoothing out" of the suffix to *-jo-/*-i:-. It's
particularly instructive to compare some simple thematic presents with
the related causatives/iteratives:
PIE *h1nék^-e/o-, Slavic *nes-ti 'carry'
1sg. *nesoN, 3sg. *nesetI
PIE *(h1)nok^-éje/o-, Slavic nos-i-ti (iter.)
1sg. *nos^oN (with *s^ < *-s-j-), 3sg. *nositI
(this immediately refutes your suggestion)
or
PIE *wég^H-e/o-, Slavic *vez-ti 'transport'
1sg. *vezoN, 3sg. *vezetI
PIE *wog^H-éje/o-, Slavic *voz-i-ti (iter.)
1sg. *voz^oN (with *z^ < *-z-j-), 3sg. vozitI
Piotr