Re: Proto Vedic Continuity Theory of Bharatiya (Indian) Langauges

From: mkelkar2003
Message: 41752
Date: 2005-11-05

--- In cybalist@yahoogroups.com, "Francesco Brighenti" <frabrig@...>
wrote:
>
>
> Dear Dr. Kalyanaraman (are you not a member of this List?),
>
> --- In cybalist@yahoogroups.com, "mkelkar2003" <smykelkar@...>
> wrote:
>
> > What is a substrate
>
> Check it out on your linguistic handbooks.
>
> > and what does Nahali become when it has absorbed > several layers
> from substrates?
>
> It becomes a typologically New Indo-Aryan language in which
> different layers of prehistoric, ancient and medieval substrates are
> recognizable (or non-recognizable, as in the case of the so-
> called "Proto-Nahali" substrate which some linguists also
> call "Proto-Indic").
>
> > Where is this substrate? > Can this be identified and isolated for
> all bharatiya languages?
>
> No, the "Proto-Nahali" substrate can be identifired for Nahali only.
>
> > Why should Nahali be seen to have absorbed from Marathi? Why not
> > vice-versa? Is it not possible that the formation of Marathi
> language > had its roots taken from Nahali substrate [...]?
>
> One should carefully examine Nahali word-lists to answer this query,
> but I am pretty certain that the Marathi and Hindi vocabulary (as
> well as morphological and syntactical structures) in Nahali are
> common to other New Indo-Aryan languages, and can be explained away
> as being derived from Middle Indo-Aryan, in turn derived from Old
> Indo-Aryan, in turn derived from Indo-Iranian, in turn derived from
> Proto-Indo-European. This should suffice to exclude the possibility
> of New Indo-Aryan languages having "continued", by a process of
> linguistic accretion and exchange, (see Alinei's "Palaeolithic
> Continuity Theory"!) a prehistoric Nahali substratum.
>
> > Why should Colin Masica's language x be restricted to only hindi?
> Why > not look upon this language x as the bharatiya 'substrate', the
> > proto-vedic?
>
> Masica's "Language X" is not "Proto-Vedic" -- a definition which
> means nothing to me: there is only "R.gvedic", a kind of "Old Indo-
> Aryan". R.gvedic is the language attested in the R.gveda, the oldest
> Indo-Aryan text available to us. If you wish, you can use the
> term "pre-R.gvedic" to indicate the reconstructed proto-forms of
> R.gvedic lexemes and morphemes that are no longer recognizable as
> belonging to (reconstructed) common Indo-Iranian.
>
> "Language X" is defined as a substrate that is found at the bottom
> of the agricultural vocabulary of Hindi and some neighbouring New
> Indo-Aryan languages spoken in the Gangetic plains. Some 30% of
> Hindi agricultural vocabulary are neither Indo-Aryan nor Dravidian
> nor Munda, and are, therefore, held by Masica to stem from the
> unknown substrate language he labels as "X". The vocabulary
> of "Language X" also includes some terms relating to artisans, local
> flora and fauna, clothing, household, dancing and music. The only
> traces of this substrate in the R.gveda are represented by a handful
> of words with the typical "Language X" geminates (see below).
> Therefore, no "Language X" = "Proto-Vedic".
>
> If Hindi and other Gangetic Indo-Aryan languages were studied the
> same way as Kuiper and others have studied the succession of
> historical layers in Nahali -- earliest unknown substrate ("Proto-
> Nahali"), "Para-Munda", Dravidian, Korku (North Munda), New Indo-
> Aryan (Marathi, Hindi dialects) -- one would most likely find in
> them similarly stratified layers of Masica's "Language X", "Para-
> Munda", Old Indo-Aryan, early Persian, and Greek loans, Sanskrit
> loanwords, medieval loans from Arabic, Turkish, Mongolian and
> Persian. This linguistic work has not been done to date.
>
> Here is an assessment on the "Language X" substrate made by M.
> Witzel:
>
> http://users.primushost.com/~india/ejvs/ejvs0501/ejvs0501c.txt
> << $ 2.4. Substrates of the Lower Gangetic Plains and "Language X".
>
> Next to the Mundas, there must have been speakers of other
> languages, such as Tibeto-Burmese, who have left us names such as
> kosala, kauzikI (mod. kosi), perhaps also kAzi and kauzAmbi (mod.
> kosam), from Himalayan khu, ku (Witzel 1993). In IA they also have
> left such words as the designations for cooked rice IA *cAmala and
> probably also PS zAli 'rice'.
>
> In Uttar Pradesh and North Bihar (attested in Middle and Late Vedic
> texts, c. 1200-500 BCE) another apparent substrate appears in which
> the 'foreign' words do not have the typical Para-Munda structure,
> with the common prefixes, as described above. Masica (1969) called
> this unknown substrate "language X". He had traced it in
> agricultural terms in Hindi that could not be identified as IA,
> Dravidian or Munda (or as late loans from Persian, S.E. Asia, etc.).
> Surprisingly some 30% of the terms are of unknown, language "X"
> origin, and only 9.5% of the terms are from Drav., something that
> does not point to the identity of the Indus people with a Drav.
> speaking population.
>
> However, only 5.7% of these terms are directly derived from Munda.
> Obviously, the pre-IA population of the Gangetic plains had an
> extensive agricultural vocabulary that was taken over into all
> subsequent languages. F.B.J. Kuiper has pointed out already in 1955:
> 137-9 (again in 1991: 1) that many agricultural terms in the RV
> neither stem from Drav. nor from Munda but from "an unknown third
> language" (cf. Zide & Zide 1973: 15). This stratum should be below
> that of Para-Munda which is the active language in the middle and
> late Vedic texts.
>
> Again, it has been Kuiper who has pointed the way when he noted that
> certain 'foreign' words in the Vedic substrate appear with geminate
> consonants and that these are replaced in 'proper' Vedic by two
> dissimilar consonants (1991: 67). Examples include: pippala RV
> (1.164.20,22; 5.54.12, su- 7.101.5 ) : piSpala AV (in Mss.)
> 9.9.20,21; 6.109.1,2; su-piSpala MS 1.2.2:11.7, guggulu AV, PS :
> gulgulu KS, TS, kakkaTa PS 20.51.6, KSAzv. : katkaTa TS. Kuiper adds
> many other cases of Vedic words that can be explained on the basis
> of words attested later on.
>
> In RV geminates also occur in 'onomatopoetic' words: akhkhalI-kR 'to
> speak haltingly' or 'in syllables?', cf. now Nahali akkal-
> (kAyni) '(to cry) loudly in anguish' MT II 17, L 33 (kAyni < Skt.
> kathayati 'to tell' CDIAL 2703, cf. 38) MT II 17; cf. also jaJjan-
> RV 8.43.8 etc., ciccika 10.146.2 'a bird'?, and cf. also azvattha
> 1.135.8 : azvatha a personal name, a tree, 6.47.24, with unclear
> etymology, (Kuiper 1991: 61, 68).
>
> Post-RV, new are: hikkA PS 4.21.2, kakkaTa PS 20.51.6 (MS kakuTha,
> TS katkaTa!), KSAzv in YV: kikkiTA KS, TS, kukkuTa VS, pilippilA TS
> 7.4.18.1, cf. also TS Akkhidant, prakkhidant TS 4.5.9.2, Ajjya
> 5.2.7.3. Especially interesting is the early gemination *dr >
> ll: kSullaka AV 2.32.5, TS 2.3.9.3 kSullaka, < kSudra 'small' (a
> children's word?); later on, among others, bhalla-akSa ChU4.1.2,
> bhalla Br., MBh (with variants phala, phalla! EWA s.v.); JB malla 'a
> tribe' (in the Indian desert, Rajasthan; cf. DEDR 4730), etc.
>
> Though certain geminates, especially in word formation and flexion (-
> tt-, -dd-, -nn- etc.), are allowed and common, they hardly ever
> appear in the stem of a word (Sandhi cases such as anna, sanna etc.
> of course excepted). Until the late BrAhmaNa texts, other geminates,
> especially bb, dd, gg, jj, mm, ll, but also kk, pp, etc., are
> studiously avoided, except in the few loan words mentioned above
> (pippala, gulgulu, katkaTa etc. (Kuiper 1991: 67 sqq.).
>
> It will be readily seen that Kuiper's seminal observation reflects a
> tendency that can be observed throughout the Vedic texts. Geminates,
> especially the mediae, apparently were regarded, with the exception
> of a few inherited forms such as majj 'to dive under', as 'foreign'
> or 'barbaric'. They did not agree with the contemporary Vedic (and
> even my own) feeling of correct speech (Sprachgefu"hl).
>
> However, starting with Epic Sanskrit, forms such as galla, malla,
> palla, etc. are normal and very common (however, -mm-, perhaps
> regarded as Drav.(?) remains rare); such words, in part derive from
> normal MIA developments, in part from the substrate.
>
> This tendency can be sustained by materials from various other
> sources. In the language 'X' only a few of Masica's agricultural
> substrate words that do not have a clear etymology (1969: 135)
> contain such geminates: Hindi kaith < Skt. kapittha CDIAL 2749
> (Mbh), piplI/pIplA < pippala (RV), roTI < *roTTA, roTika 10837
> (Bhpr.); karela < karella/karavella 3061, khAl < khalla 3838-9
> (Suzr.); to these one can add the unattested, reconstructed OIA
> forms (Turner, CDIAL, see Masica 1969: 136): *alla CDIAL 725,
> *uDidda 1693, *carassa 4688, *chAcchi 5012, *bAjjara (see, however,
> OIA *bAjara, 9201 bAjjara HZS: varjarI!), *balilla 9175, *maTTara
> 9724, *suppAra 13482, *sUjji/sOjji 13552. However, these words have
> come into NIA via MIA, and that their geminates may go back to a
> consonant cluster without geminates (see below, on Turner's
> reconstructs).
>
> All of these tendencies are reconfirmed by what we can discern in
> the other substrate languages. While there still are but a few cases
> in the northwest, the substrates located further east and south all
> have such geminates. (Incidentally, the northwest has retained the
> original, non-geminate consonant groups, such as -Cr-, to this day,
> cf. Khowar bhrar, Balkan Gipsy phral 'brother', W. Panj. bhrA, E.
> Panj. bh(a)rA : Hindi bhAI, etc.).
>
> In the unstudied substrate of the Kathmandu Valley (inscriptions,
> 467-750 CE, see below), geminates are found in the following place
> names: gamme, gullataMga, gollaM, jajje-, dommAna, daGkhuTTA-,
> bemmA, cf. also bhumbhukkikA (onomat. with double consonant: <
> *bhumbhum-ki-kA?); cf. also village names such as joJjon-diG, tuJ-
> catcatu, thuMtuM-rI, daNDaG-(guM).
>
> In the substrate of modern Tharu: e.g. ge~TTI, ghaTTI, TippA (?),
> ubbA; cf. also 'onomatopoetic' words such as jhemjhemiyA 'small
> cymbal or drum', bhubhui 'white scurf', gula-gula 'mild' (with the
> usual middle Vedic, OIA, Tamil, etc. form of the "expressive" and
> onomatopoetic words: type kara-kara versus older Vedic bal-bal).
>
> In modern Nahali (Kuiper 1962: 58 sqq., 1966) the following
> substrate words can be found, though apparently various types of
> consonant groups are allowed: bekki, beTTo, bokko, coggom, cuTTi,
> joppo/jappo, kaggo, kAllen, maikko, oTTi, poyye, unni. Additions to
> this list can easily be supplied now from that of A. Mundlay (MT II)
> which are not obviously from NIA include 8 aDDo, 91 attu', 182
> bekki, 203 beTTo, 221 bijjok, 232 biTThAwi, 255 buddi, etc.
>
> In the Drav. Nilgiri languages (Zvelebil 1990:63-72) there are a few
> isolated geminating words that go back to a pre-Drav. substrate,
> e.g. Irula mattu 'lip', Dekkada 'panther', muTT(u)ri 'butterfly',
> vutta 'crossbar in a house'.
>
> The Vedda substrate contains the same type of words:: cappi 'bird',
> potti 'a kind of bee', panni 'worm' (de Silva 1972: 16).
>
> Finally by way of appendix, in the isolated Andamanese language (Aka
> BIada dialect), a few consonant groups seem to be allowed, but
> hardly any geminates are found (Portman 1887): dAkkar-da 'bucket'
> p.18, kAttada, badda 'crab' 22, chetta-da 'fruit' 34, tokko dElE
> kE 'to go along the coast', chetta-da 'head' 36, sissnga kE 'to
> hiss' 38, udda 'maimed' 48, peggi 'many' 48, teggi lik
> dainga 'noise' 52, teggi lik dainga kE 'to obey' 54, molla-
> da 'smoke' 72, tekke yAbadO 'straight' 78.
>
> It can be stated, therefore, that the substrate languages outside of
> the extreme northwest indicate broad evidence for original
> geminates. Differently from IA (cf. below, on Turner's
> reconstructions), these words have not been pushed through
> the 'filter' of MIA, that means their original consonants clusters
> have not been 'simplified' (e.g. kt > tt, kS > kkh, etc.) Such
> striving for simpler syllable structure is known from many
> languages, e.g. Latin noctem > Italian notte, French nuit [nu"i], or
> O.Tib. bgryad > Tib. [yƒ] 'eight', Jpn.-Austro-Thai *krumay > Jpn.
> kome 'rice' (Benedict), Kathmandu Valley substrate kicipriciG(-
> grAma) > Newari kisipi~Di, etc. Even then, the tendency seems
> especially strong in S. Asia and probably has worked on IA from the
> beginning, as for example in the early example AV kSullaka <
> kSudraka. In Drav. various consonant groups are allowed, including
> geminates (Zvelebil 1990: 10 sqq.:) e.g., kakku, kaccu, kaTTu,
> kattu, kappu, kammu; (cf. also the interchange p- :: -pp-/-v- :: -p/-
> u).
>
> One can therefore put the question whether this old substrate
> tendency has already influenced the Para-Munda of the RV. In Munda
> itself, such geminates are very rare (cf. Kuiper 1991: 53), and open
> syllables are common. However, there is a tendency in the Munda
> languages to eliminate consonant groups caused by vowel loss in
> prefixes (Pinnow 1959: 457); this does not cause geminates in such
> cases but is in line with the similar developments from Old to
> Middle and New IA (e.g. akSi 'eye' > akkhi > A~kh, rakta 'colored,
> red' > ratta > rAt, etc.). One may therefore explain many of
> the 'foreign' words with geminates in Vedic and post-Vedic,
> excluding Drav. loans, in the same way.
>
> For the same area that is covered by Masica's language "X", and for
> N. India in general, one may also adduce the many words in NIA that
> are not attested in Vedic, Classical Skt. or the various MIA
> languages such as Pali but that occur only in their NIA form. They
> have been collected and reconstructed by V. Turner in his CDIAL.
> These include the starred forms, appearing in their reconstructed
> OIA form, and those words that do not appear in Ved. but are more or
> less accidentally attested in late Skt. texts, and the substrate
> words dealt with by Turner. They have a typical, often non-IA
> structure, including the very common cluster -ND-, -TT-. Their root
> structure follows the following pattern. (C = any consonant, @ any
> vowel)
>
> *C@..., C@..., C@..., C@..., C@..., C@..., C@..., C@..., C@..., C@..., C@...,
> C@..., C@..., C@..., C@..., C@..., C@..., C@..., C@..., C@..., C@..., C@..., C@...,
> C@..., C@..., C@..., C@..., C@...
>
> In Turner's CDIAL there are only a few forms such as *Cr@..., Cr@...,
> Cr@..., Cr@..., Cl@...; this does not surprise as all reconstructed
> words have passed through the filter of MIA and have lost such
> clusters, -- except in the extreme northwest (Lahnda and Dardic).
>
> Double consonants at the end of roots may go back to complicated
> clusters that can no longer be reconstructed, for example *C@... <
> **C@... (cf. RV kSviGkA, ikSvAku, and compare Ved. clusters such as
> matkuNa, matkOTaka, kruJc). Consonant clusters with various
> realizations in pronunciation may also be hidden in many Vedic loan
> words (Kuiper 1991 : 51 sqq., Ved. cases p. 67 sqq.). >>
>
> Kindest regards,
> Francesco Brighenti


The above means *nothing*. It is tautological. The theory of
Indo-Aryan invasions must be established on non-linguistic grounds.
The Bantu migrations are well supported by genetic, archaeological and
agricultural evidence. All the non linguistic evidence is
overwhelmingly against any foreign origin of Vedic.

""The hypothesis of a pre-Indo-Aryan linguistic substratum remains a
perfectly acceptable way of explaining the existence of the
non-Indo-European features in Sanskrit. Particularly significant in
this regard is the non-Indo-Aryan nature of the terms for the flora of
the Northwest. But this is not the only model. As I have attempted to
outline, the possibility of spontaneous development for many of the
innovated syntactical features, coupled with the possibility of an
adstratum relationship between Draviidian and Sanskrit for features
that are undoubtedly borrowings, are the most obvious alternative
possibilities. In conclusion, in my opinion, the theory of Indo-Aryan
migrations into the Indian subcontinent must be primarily established
without doubt ON OTHER GOUNDS (emphasis in original) to be fully
conclusive. The apparent 'evidence' of a linguistic substratum in
Indo-Aryan, in and of itself, cannot be used as a decisive arbitrator
in the debate over Indo-Aryan origins." (Bryant, Edwin F., 1999,
Linguistic substrata and the indigenous Aryan debate, in: Johannes
Bronkhorst and Madhav M. Deshpande, Aryan and Non-Aryan in South Asia,
Harvard Oriental Series, Vol. 3, Cambridge, p. 80)."

All the Rig Vedic flora and fauna are indigenous to the Indian
subcontinent (Lal 2005). Also see section 8.2.1 of proto-vedic
continuity theory.doc

M. kelkar