--- In
cybalist@yahoogroups.com, Miguel Carrasquer <mcv@...> wrote:
> On Thu, 03 Jun 2004 10:21:12 +0000, tgpedersen
> <tgpedersen@...> wrote:
>
> >They are of courese loans from that famous IE dialect which had p-
,
> >t-, k- > 0. No, but seriously, could you counter such a claim?
What
> >specifically Celtic is there about those loans?
>
> The clearest example is Bsq. *egi (-egi, -tegi, -degi, etxe
> "house"), which must be Celtic.
>
Löpelmann:
ets^e "house"
because of the compounds
ets^alondo
ets^alain
ets^alte
he posits an original root
*ets^al-
variants
*ets^ar-/*ets^er-
further
tegi "Dach, jede überdachte Raum, Schutzort, Schuppen, Stall,
Speicher, Hütte, Schrein, Aufbewahrungsort, Kasten, Truhe,
geschütztes Lager etc"
combining form
-tegi "Lager, Stall, Scutzort, Haus, Laden usw."
Nbf. (side forms) -rhegi, tei, -hei
Aus dem Gall: lat. attegia "Hütte, Zelt";
aus dem kelt: altligur. tegia "Hütte", ebenso
wenn nicht aus dem Lat.: tirol. thei "Alpenhütte"
in other words, Löpelman does not see a connection between
<etxe> "house" and tegi "roof (also house)". The latter, which he
lists as a separate word, not a combining form, has initial t- and
must therefore (since it's not a combining form and therefore the t-
is in anlaut of the word) be a recent loan, later than the Latin ones
at that. Why are you representing <tegi> as a combining form of
<etxe>?
Torsten