From: Jens Elmegaard Rasmussen
Message: 31634
Date: 2004-03-31
>*Must* you apply name-calling to the infix theory for some of the IE o's?
> Jens:
>
> > Still, that is *very* far from constituting proof that
> > the selection of "parallels" is adequate for the history
> > to be uncovered here.
>
> It demonstrates that my rules operate under a strong sense
> of linguistic normalcy overall. This is the effect we
> want when reconstructing a language properly unless
> for whatever reason more bizarre rules are needed to
> explain things. However, more uncommon rules should be the
> exception, not the norm. O-fixing and double-long vowels
> seem to seep into all aspects of your pre-IE, making it
> more bizarre than it is normal because they are much
> less common processes. With O-fixing, I don't even
> know what real-world language operates like this and
> I can only think of Lapp and Mingo as having double-long
> vowels.
> > You can find other languages that do different thingsBy observing that IE is different from what those "parallels" would have
> > with tri-consonantal clusters; [...]
> > How did you decide that none of all that constitutes
> > a parallel to your pre-PIE?
> It turns out that a CV(C) syllable structure works bestWhich can be neutralized by a third no: You cannot insist on analyses that
> for MIE because of the logical path I take, starting
> with the observation of Syncope and following it to QAR.
> We haven't begun to adequately talk about QAR because
> we can't seem to agree on Syncope yet.
>
> However, I think that there is a good case to propose a
> similar CV(C) syllable structure for Semitic. Observing
> loans between MIE and Semitic help us see how both languages
> worked in more detail at that time. Semitic accent is
> turning out to be cool too. You say that "six" in Semitic
> doesn't have a vowel at the end of it in the non-mimated
> feminine form but it would violate CV(C) and would rob
> us of the necessary case determining vowel important in
> Semitic morphology. Double no-no.
> So I think *s^idc^u asThat you think so is not reason enough.
> the form cited to MIE speakers is more sensible over
> *s^idc^.
> So we should accept that the MIE speakers wereIt is at least just as simple to assume that *swek^s has no final vowel
> inputted the word _with_ a final vowel. What they did
> with this final vowel is still a debate with us, but
> it's simpler to conclude that they just accepted the
> final vowel and didn't do anything to it until Syncope,
> hence MIE *sWeksa.