From: Piotr Gasiorowski
Message: 22782
Date: 2003-06-06
----- Original Message -----
From: fortuna11111
To: cybalist@yahoogroups.com
Sent: Friday, June 06, 2003 9:36 PM
Subject: [tied] Re: ANUS
>> The change *Bj > /Bl'/ (where B stands for any PSl labial, i.e. /m/, /v/,
/p/ or /b/) took place root-initially everywhere in Slavic ...
> Piotr, would you please explain what root-initially means?
At the beginning of a root. For example, *pjuwa:ti: 'spew' became *pljUvati
> *plIvati receiving an epenthetic lateral everywhere, even in Polish
(formerly <plwac'>, now restructured into <pluc'>), and Germanic *beuda-
(Goth. biud-) was borrowed as *bjudo > *bljudo > OCS bl'udo.
>> of a lateral from /j/ after a labial is so unusual and so
characteristically Slavic that there can be no mistake about the origin of
Rom. Râm and Râmleni.
> You mean this is exclusively so in Slavic languages? I think some more
examples will help me get better what you are saying. Thanks.
It does seem uniquely Slavic, at least in this part of the world. Here are a
few examples of *-mj-, *-bj-, *-pj- and *-vj- where the *-j- begins a
suffix. I'll use Polish and OCS to illustrate the different dialectal
treatment of these clusters. (In these examples, ' = palatality, ~ =
nasality):
*zem-ja 'earth' > Pol. ziemia, OCS zeml'a
*ljub-j-o~ 'I like' > Pol. lubie~, OCS l'ubl'o~
*sUp-jo~ 'I sleep' > Pol. s'pie~, OCS sUpl'o~
*drev-je 'earlier' > OPol. drzewie, OCS drevl'e
Piotr