From: Jens Elmegaard Rasmussen
Message: 12838
Date: 2002-03-24
On Sat, 23 Mar 2002, Piotr Gasiorowski wrote:
> Hello, Jens,
>
> What's your view about the origin of PGmc. *-iþo:? In some other
> branches de-adjectival nouns in *-tah2-(t-) the suffix is attached to
> the stem of the adjective (ending in *-o- if the adjective is
> thematic, cf. Slav. sle^po-ta, Gk. neo-te:s). Skt. nava-ta:, Latin
> novi-ta:s and Goth. niujiþa are of course ambiguous, each in a
> slightly different manner. My impression is that Gmc. *-iþo: might be
> a branch innovation (for "expected" *-aþo:) inspired by the
> predominant vocalism of other de-adjectival formations (diups -->
> diupis, diupista, diupei [diupiþa], diupjan).
>
> The assumed change of gender in Albanian looks a bit arbitrary. I
> wonder if a connection could be established between hypothetical
> *dHeubetos and hydronyms like *seretos (the River Siret).
>
> Piotr
>
>
>
> ----- Original Message -----
> From: Jens Elmegaard Rasmussen
> To: cybalist@yahoogroups.com
> Sent: Saturday, March 23, 2002 3:30 PM
> Subject: Re: [tied] Re: Daci
>
>
> No, no, Alb. det 'sea' is identical with Eng. depth, Goth. diupitha, PGmc. /*deupitho:/, reflecting IE *dheub-etaH2; only the Alb. word is masculine. Perhaps the word was originally neuter, but was transferred to masc. gender before the beginning of the records.
>
>