Hello, Jens,
What's your view about the origin of
PGmc. *-iþo:? In some other branches de-adjectival nouns in
*-tah2-(t-) the suffix is attached to the stem of the adjective (ending in
*-o- if the adjective is thematic, cf. Slav. sle^po-ta, Gk. neo-te:s). Skt.
nava-ta:, Latin novi-ta:s and Goth. niujiþa are of course ambiguous,
each in a slightly different manner. My impression is that Gmc. *-iþo: might be
a branch innovation (for "expected" *-aþo:) inspired by the predominant
vocalism of other de-adjectival formations (diups --> diupis,
diupista, diupei [diupiþa], diupjan).
The assumed change of gender in Albanian
looks a bit arbitrary. I wonder if a connection could be established
between hypothetical *dHeubetos and hydronyms like *seretos (the River
Siret).
Piotr
----- Original Message -----
Sent: Saturday, March 23, 2002 3:30 PM
Subject: Re: [tied] Re: Daci
No, no, Alb. det 'sea'
is identical with Eng. depth, Goth. diupitha, PGmc. /*deupitho:/, reflecting IE
*dheub-etaH2; only the Alb. word is masculine. Perhaps the word was originally
neuter, but was transferred to masc. gender before the beginning of the
records.