From: Piotr Gasiorowski
Message: 11146
Date: 2001-11-15
----- Original Message -----From: Miguel Carrasquer VidalSent: Thursday, November 15, 2001 6:44 PMSubject: Re: [tied] Re: [pieml] PIE rhotacism>> Anttila connects <aga-> (*'contest, game') as in <aga-klutos> with <ago:n>, regarding the latter as originally collective.> But in any case a masculine collective.Secondarily "animatised". The original neuter would have been *h2ag^n, cf. <to kHeima : ho kHeimo:n>.
> Yes. I wanted to mention that. The feminine ending *-ih2 (like the thematic ending *-os) is often found after an *-r which by by the heteroclitic rule must come from *-n. [The same, BTW, goes for the *-s that comes from *-t(W) (e.g. the pf.act.ptc. *-us-ih2)]. Both *-ih2 and *-os can be regarded as postponed (p)articles that were not univerbated until after the working of the heteroclitic rule. So indeed the effect of the Auslaut-rule *-n > *-r can sometimes be seen in what appears to be an Inlaut position. But I'm not sure whether it's necessary to include here a form like <ageiro:>.What puzzles me a little is what exactly those (p)articles were attached to. For example, *-wer-ih2 is hard to analyse as *-wer#-ih2, since *-wer does not occur independently. It looks more like word-formation (affecting the ablaut of the base) than banal agglutination.Piotr