Re: [cybalist] Odp: Nordwestblock

 Nevertheless, I find it difficult to accept the claim that Baltic and Slavic guda- represents the Goths' ethnonym, even if it is an authentic borrowing from Gothic. I'd sooner believe in a connection with gud- (guþ, m. 'god', n. pl. guda '[heathen] deities'; gudja weak m. 'priest'). I also regard popular etymologies like Gdańsk < *gudan-isk- 'Gothic' as extremely shaky, not to say naive, though superficially beguiling. 

This is what I have to say on the Gothic question, but if you have some strong evidence to support *guda-, I'll be delighted to see it.  

 And that's where I did NOT make a mistake, but I think I found a better way to have Piotr delighted: I will use the material I have collected on this problem to support his point of view, and wait for his approval. If I don't get it, then my point of view will be considered correct by default :)

 

I. Facts.

 

1. Toponymy.

 

1.1 Lithuanian toponymy (including former Lithuanian areas now in Belorussia, grouping explained below)

 

1.1.1 Group I (all over Lithuania, but mostly close to the southern border)

 

Subgroup A

Gudai (5 times), note charasteristic ethnonymic plural

Gudaičiai (8), note the patronymic suffix -ait-

Gudakiemis (2), kie^mas 'yard'

Gudašiai (1), note the suffix -aš-, used to form toponyms from anthroponyms

Gudeikiai (1), suffix -eik- with a wide range of functions, mainly diminutive from nouns denoting persons or personified objects

Gudgalys (3), ga^las 'end'; used to form toponyms with the meaning 'territory inhabited by'

Gudiškiai (16), suffix -išk- with a wide range of functions, including 'inhabitant of'

Gudkaimis (1), káimas 'village'

Gudonys/-iai (7), -on- with different functions, mainly 'inhabitant of'

Gudulinė (1), -in-('quality of')derivative from *Gudulis, -ul- being a suffix used mainly to form diminutives from nouns denoting persons or personified objects

Gudėnai (4), note the ethnonymic suffix -ėn-  with the meaning 'inhabitant of', and especially 'living on a river', so we should expect that a river *Gudė exists (cf. Šlovė:Šlovėnai in Aukshtaitia), I should check rivers' register

 

Subgroup B

Gudžiai (2), note the suffix -j- and see a note below

Gudžionys (2), note the suffix -j- and -on- with different functions, mainly 'inhabitant of'

Gudžiupis (1), note the suffix -j-, ùpė 'river'

Gudžiūnai (7), note the suffix -j-  and the standard toponymic suffix -ūn-, with the old meaning 'having inhabitants with quality of'

 

1.1.2 Group II (all over Lithuania)

 

Subgroup A

Gudaliai (2), dialectally depalatalized  diminutive suffix -el-

Gudeliai (33), diminutive suffix -el-

Gudeliukai(1), diminutive suffix -el- + diminutive suffix -iuk-

Gudeliškiai (4), suffix -išk- with a wide range of functions, including 'inhabitant of'

Gudeniškiai (1), suffix -en- denoting quality

Gudesiai (1), I can hardly identify the morpheme, as all the known functions of -es- don't suit; maybe by analogy with forms like debesy^s and judesy^s

Gudinė (2), quality suffix -in-

Gudiena (1), a very interesting example of suffix -ien- with the meaning 'of', often used to form collective nouns

 

Subgroup B

Gudagojis (1) (famous or, rather, unfamous customs on the LT/BY border :), go^jus 'a clearing in the woods;glade'<*ga:j- 'wood', see note below

Gudakalnis (1), kálnas 'hill'

Gudakampis (1), kam^pas 'corner (often in toponymy)'

Gudalaukis(1)/Gudalaukis(3), lau^kas 'field'

Gudamedis (1), me^dis 'tree'; cf. Baltic *medj- 'forest' and a note below

Gudapievis (1), píeva 'hayfield'

Gudbalis (1), balà 'pool;wallow;marsh (especially in connection with devil/dickens)'

Gudirvės (1) ?

Gudmiškės (1), mìškas 'forest', see note below

Gudupiai (2), ùpė 'river'

 

1.1.3 Group III

Gudijà 'Belorussia'

 

1.2 Other toponymy.

 

A.

Гдовъ (GdovU) (first mentioned in 1531) in North Russia, Pskov district, to the east of lake Chudskoye.

Gdzew (beginning of XV c.), a forest in Mazowsze (Mazovia).

Gdow, a Polish name of the settlement now in Lviv (Lvov,Lwów,Lemberg) district.

(Please note that Gdańsk is not on that list, we seem to agree on that point)

 

In my opinion, all of these forms attest Common Slavic *gъdovъ (*gUdovU) with , which may or may not indicate an old -u-stem. YES I know that palatalization in Gdzew should be explained.

 

B.

Готскои берегъ (Gotskoi beregU), Old Russian (XIII c.) name of Gotland's cost

 

2. Proper names.

 

2.1 Lithuanian

 

Group I. Ethnonyms

 

gùdas m., gùdė f. 'Belorussian','any foreigner(?)'

 

The last meaning, proposed by myself, is supported by Samogitian prayer to Perkūnas (Thunder-god):

Perkūne dievati, nemušk ont žematį, muški tą gudą, kap šunį rudą.

(Perkūnas, my God, don't you strike on Samogitian, strike on that gudas, who's fulvous like a dog)

The author's informator, a Bernardine monk, commented that Samogitians apply gudas to any non-Samogotian speaking person (see E. Tyszkievicz. Rzut oka na zródła archeologii krajowej. Wilno, 1842).

This is supported by another prayer, written down in the beginning of the 20th century:

Perkūne dievati, nemušk žematį, mušk vuokietuką, kap velniuką.

(Perkūnas, my God, don't you strike on Samogitian, strike on a little German one, like on a dickens).

Russian historian Tatishchev (18th c.) noted that Lithuanians by some reason call Russians Goths.

 

Group II.

 

Subgroup A

gudà (m/f, 4th paradigm) 'monster (especially when used to frighten children)'

 

Subgroup B. (Names of animals derived from gùd-+ name of another animal)

gùdgaidis 'ruff (Philomachus)', gaidy^s 'cock'

gùdžvirblis 'wild sparrow', žvir^blis 'sparrow'

 

Subgroup C. (Names of plants derived from gùd-+ name of another plant)

gùdkarklis 'kind of willow (Salix purpurea)', kar^klas 'willow (Salix gen.)', (cf Eng. (Wal., Irl.) coracle, (Scot.,Irl.) currach/curragh)

gùdnotrėlė 'dead-nettle', notrelė^ 'nettle'

gùdobelė 'hawthorn (Crataegus gen.)', obelìs 'apple-tree'

 

2.2 Prussian

gudē 'shrubbery;forest(?)'

 

2.3 Old Russian

г(ъ)тинъ (XIII c) 'Gotlander'

 

II. Interpretation.

 

(1) Slavic languages consistently show two different roots:

*gъd- (*gUd-), of uncertain origin, attested in toponymy only, and

*gъt- (*gUt-), 'of Gotland', probably from Scand. *Guts 'Gotlander'

 

(2) Baltic languages attest two omonymic roots

*gud1- 'wild bush,forest', as attested by Prussian lexeme and productive stem gùd-, which changes the meaning of another stem to 'wild; of the forest'

*gud(-j)2- '1.foreigner,stranger;2.whangdoodle,bugaboo' (the last meaning may well be a result of contamination with some onomatopoeic word)

 

The roots *gu(n)d(-r)- 'skill;accustom, temptation' and *gūd- 'macabre,darksome;sorrow' should be set aside (despite the vocalism and meaning of the last one).

 

(3) The Lithuanian toponymy may be divided into 2 groups, group I implementing *gud2 (mainly meaning 1), and group II implementing, probably, both roots, as Gudeliai/Gudinė may well mean both 'bushy, of forest' and 'foreigners'', and Gudakalnis/Gudakampis may well mean both 'bushy hill/place' and 'foreigners' hill/place'. Cases like Gudagojis/Gudamedis/Gudmiškės can hardly contain *gud1 because of unexplainable semantic pleonasm it implies.

 

Toponyms of group I subgroup's B are there because of a very interesting -j-extention, which is explained below.

 

(4)

 *gud1-  is a proper Baltic root; *gud(-j)2- is a Gothic borrowing (<guda, gudja)

 *gъd-  is either an attested in toponymy only Slavic cognate of *gud1-  <invisible>still must admit this Brückner's idea seems ridiculous to me</invisible> or - is a Gothic borrowing (<guda)

 

Enjoy!

 

Sergei