From: dgkilday57
Message: 71001
Date: 2013-02-27
> > >I think Mycenaean borrowed *hikkWos from Old Illyrian, writing it in Linear B as _i-qo_. Later in K-Illyrian, *-kkW- was reduced to *-kk-, and Epidaurian borrowed _ikkos_. Messapic probably had the same form (actually *ikkas with *a < *o), since _-ikkos_ occurs in Tarentine personal names. Attic _hippos_ in this view represents an independent borrowing from Macedonian. It is noteworthy that the aspiration fails in the name _Leukippos_, but not in the adjective _tethrippos_ 'four-horsed'. Probably the name was borrowed and indicates the weakness of the aspiration (resulting from PIE *h1e- > Ill.-Lus. *hi-) in (Old) Macedonian, while the adjective was formed within Attic.
> > Actually, Gamkrelidze-Ivanov mentioned a possible protoform *s´ik´wo-, where *s´ is their own "compact sibilant" (a rough counterpart of my own sound law regarding post-velar fricatives), giving *s- > h- in Greek and zero elsewhere, but I find little support for it.
> >
> > In my opinion, Greek -pp- doesn't come from *-kWkW- (which I find rather absurd) but from *-kWw- resulting from regressive assimilation of *-k´w-. Hence *-kWw- > *-pw- > -pp- by reduction and progressive assimilation (possibly these two changes were synchronic) as in *-k´w- > -kk-.
>
> In my opinion, the Macedonian royal name Bilippos (Hellenized as Phil-) points to Mac. as the source of _hippos_, the internal consonantism being PIE *-k^w- > centumized *-kW- > Ill.-Lus. *-kkW- > P-Ill. *-kp- > Mac. *-pp- (with the -kp-stage actually attested in Lukpeio on Paeonian coins, as mentioned earlier).
>
> It sounds interesting, but the presence of *iqo in Mycenean points to an age older than Macedonian-Greek contact, doesn't it? Unless we infer that Mycenean *hiqwos and Macedonian *hikpos/*hippos share a common source.
>