--- In
cybalist@yahoogroups.com, Bhrihskwobhloukstroy <bhrihstlobhrouzghdhroy@...> wrote:
>
> >> From: dgkilday57 <dgkilday57@>
> >> To: cybalist@yahoogroups.com
> >> Sent: Tuesday, May 8, 2012 9:12 PM
> >> Subject: Re: [tied] Ligurian
> >>
> >> [...]
> >>
> >> Yesterday I overlooked Valtellinese <verca> 'heather' which also requires
> >> Illyrian vocalism, *wraika:, thus coming from pre-Ligurian substrate. To
> >> you, no doubt, an additional stratum is an unnecessary complication. To
> >> me, it is a necessary one.
>
> Bhrihskwobhloukstroy:
>
> Johannes Hubschmid (i.a. my Teacher), in «Bezeichnungen für Erika und
> andere Sträucher, Gestrüpp und Auswüchse» (Vox Romanica. Annales
> Helvetici explorandis Linguis Romanicis destinati [Bern â" München,
> Verlag A. Francke] 27 [1968], S. 318-359), p. 335, reconstructed
> *werka: or *wirka: < PIE *wrk'-ah2 (with Balto-Slavic treatment of
> syllabic */r/ but centum treatment of palatal /k'/, therefore not
> [Alpine-]Illyrian - in Jokl's sense - but rather Venetic-Illyrian in
> Pokorny's sense; regular Venetic outcome would be â Vorka), but the
> root is *wer-k- (Pokorny 1155; notice its pure velar), ultimately an
> extension of the same 3. *wer- 'turn' (1152-1160) of *wreik- of
> *wroiko-s (1158-1159): so why not simply *werk-ah2?
>
A simple change such as that could connect it to:
* wer.-kó+ > varëka- = leaf Av;
but that in itself complicates things as it could also be from:
* wer.-x-kó+ > varëka- = leaf Av;
which allows more, as that could connect it to:
* wer.-x-kó+ > * wer.s.-kHó+ > * wer.-kHs.ó+ > varës^a- Av;
and with r., not er. :
* wr.-x-kó+ > * wr.s.-kHó+ > * wr.-kHs.ó+ > vr.ks.á-s = tree/
trunk/wood/staff of a bow RV S;
The optional change of x > s. by r. or T. (any retro.) is also seen in:
*
wer.-x-n.-kíd*+
wer.-x-n.-d*ík+
wer.-x-n.-d.ík+
wer.-G-n.-d.ík+
wer.-G-r.-d.ík+
wer.-G-d.ík+ dis
wr.eG-d.ík+ met
wr.aG-d.ík+
wr.aG-d.ík+ wr.aG-d.ík+s.
wr.aG-d.ík+ wr.aG-d.íks.
wr.aG-d.ík+ wr.aG-d.íxs.
wr.aG-d.ík+ wr.aG-d.í:x
wr.aG-d.ík+ wr.aG-d.í:ks. mix> -í:k+s.
ra:di:x -cis (g) = root/radish L; rhá:di:x -kos (g) = branch G;
*
wr.aG-d.ík+ wr.aG-d.í:x
wr.iG-d.ák+ wr.iG-d.á:x
wr.iz.-d.ák+ wr.iz.-d.á:x
wr.iz.-d.áx+ wr.iz.-d.á:x ana
wr.iz.-d.áx+ wr.iz.-d.áx ana
wr.iz.-d.áx+ wr.iz.-d.á
rhíz[d]a \ brísda Les = root G;
*
wr.iz.-d.ák+
wr.id.-z.ák+
wr.id.-s.ák+
wr.it.-s.ák+
wBit.-s.ák+
wit.-s.ák+
witsako = root TB;
The optional change of x > s. by r. comes from the greater optional change of K > T. by T. (any retro.); the reverse ( T. > K by T. ) is also seen in:
*
wr.iz.-d.á
wr.iz.-gá
gWr.iz.-gá
gwrysg = branches W;
as well as in other words (drozd \ drozg 'thrush', * r.uws.t.o+ \ * r.uws.ko+ 'rust' , etc.).
This * wr.iz.-gá > * wir.z.-gá could be the source of Italic * wir.z.ga: > L virga , but it could instead be related to * wer.-x-kó+ > * wer.-G.-kó+ > * wer.-G.-gó+ > wer.z.-gó+ (since some e>i in L) which could connect it to Ir * wer.s.-gó+ > * wer.-s.óg+ in Avestan vars^ag- 'root/tree' .
The origin/connection of * wer.-x-kó+ \ * wer.-G.-gó+ with * wer.-G-d.ík+ \ * wr.aG-d.ík+ is also shown by Slavic * wer.-G-d.ikwó+ > * (w)er´dik(w)(áà) \ etc. > r^edkev Cz; rédJka = radish R; rò`tkva SC; etc. and * wer.-G-d.ikw+ > * wr.aG-d.ikw+ > * (w)r.aa-z.ikw+ > raskovnik = (magic herb that unlocks/uncovers) SC; razkovnic^e = Eurasian waterclover Bg;