W dniu 2012-02-08 00:28, stlatos pisze:
> I never said anything about these being caused by the same thing I used
> in my examples. One possible reg. change is KYSV-front > KS etc. (w ana.
> in *svekUrU). There was no kY in kosa (in Baltic: kast = rake, kasît =
> scrape Lat; etc.)...
This one is from a different root (*kes- 'comb, scrape'), as in Slavic
*c^esati 'comb', *kosa 'braided hair' (different from *kosa 'scythe'
though homophonous with it), and *kosmU 'lock of hair'.
As for *kotora/*kotera etc., some authors distinguish *kat- 'fight'
(action) from *k^et- 'hate' (mental state). Melchert, for example,
separates HLuw. kat- 'fight', Hitt. kattu- 'weapon' (Celt. *katu-, Gmc.
*xaþu-/*xaðu-, Slav. *kotora, perhaps *kotiti 'overthrow') from Hitt.
kadduwa:i 'become aggrieved', kattawatar 'enmity' (here Ved. s'átru-,
Gk. kótos 'anger').
I have no strong views about the 'hoof' etymon. Germanic *xo:faz points
to *k(^)áh2p-o- or *k(^)óh2p-o-, Indo-Iranian to *k^VpH-ó- (with
Olsen-style aspiration by a preceding h2), perhaps also *k^&2p-ó- (with
a vocalised laryngeal and no aspiration). The Slavic word is strange.
With an unproductive suffix and a velar which fails to match the IIr.
cognates it could be a loanword, but I can't see a likely source
language. *k^h2- hardly mends anything, since the normal reflex of
*k(^)h2- in Slavic seems to be *x.
Piotr