Re: Gmc. w-/g-, j-/g-

From: dgkilday57
Message: 68272
Date: 2011-12-21

--- In cybalist@yahoogroups.com, "dgkilday57" <dgkilday57@...> wrote:
>
> --- In cybalist@yahoogroups.com, "stlatos" <stlatos@> wrote:
> >
> > [...]
> >
> > This uvular R usually > r in historical Gmc. Also, at:
> >
> > http://www.utexas.edu/cola/centers/lrc/books/piep07.html
> >
> > Winfred P. Lehmann, when discussing OHG r-preterites says: "The sequence assumed here for seventh class verbs is PIE /eXw/ [eXu], for first class verbs /yX/ [iX]. I suggest that in these sequences the laryngeals were preserved, and that their reflexes fell into the OHG r-phoneme."
> >
> > (note: Lehmann uses X to symbolize any "laryngeal"; I use it for the uvular fricative)
>
> Lehmann has done a good job establishing that this OHG /r/ originated from a laryngeal in the sequence *-eXu- or *-iXu-. However, I think he was sidetracked by the apparent restriction of the /r/-preterit to OHG. I believe we have examples of the same phenomenon in Old Norse and Northumbrian 3sg. pret. forms:
>
> 1. ON <bnere> 'rubbed'. Gothic <bnauan>, only attested in the present, has the same formation as <bauan> 'to dwell', OHG <bu:an>, to which <biruun> 3pl. pret. belongs. Koebler reconstructs Gmc. *b(i)no:wwan as the pres. inf.

Go. <bauan> and OHG <bu:an> are weak verbs built on the metathetic zero-grade *bHuA- (A = h2 or h4). Probably <biruun> has the original root-aorist stem *bHeAu-, like the Skt. impv. <bho:dhi>. Skt. <abhu:t> has *bHuA- and is not a true root-aorist (3pl. <abhuvan>, not *abhur). Go. <bnauan> and OHG <nu:an> very likely have a parallel metathetic zero-grade *bHnuX-, with the orig. root-aor. *bHneXu- reflected in ON <bnere>.

> 2. ON <gnere> 'rubbed'. If this is not modelled after the foregoing, it likely belongs to the root cited by Pokorny (IEW 436-7) as *gHne(:)u- 'nagen, kratzen, reiben'.

I.e. *gHneh1u-.

> 3. ON <grera> 'greened up, grew'. Koebler reconstructs Gmc. *gro:an, but the corresponding OE forms have /w/ throughout the paradigm.
>
> 4. ON <rera> 'rowed'. Usually considered reduplicated, but again the OE forms have /w/ throughout.
>
> 5. ON <sera> 'sowed'. Usually considered reduplicated, but Go. <saiso> shows that the pret. sg. did not voice the root-anlaut. Again OE forms have /w/ throughout.
>
> 6. ON <snera> 'turned, wound'. Pok. (977) considers that *sne:r-, *sno:r- in nouns may be an extension of *sne:-. The ON pret. may thus involve *sneh1-w- where the */w/ formed extended root-aorists like Lat. <(g)no:vi:> (cf. OE <cna:wan> with the /w/ carried through the paradigm).
>
> 7. NU (and Old Kentish) <on-dreord> 'came to fear', questionably, since it may have been remodelled after <reord>.
>
> 8. NU <leort> 'allowed'. Usually considered reduplicated like <leolc> 'jumped', but the dissimilation required is ad hoc.
>
> 9. NU <reord> 'advised'. Usually considered reduplicated.

NU <leolc> and OE <heht> (apparently a hyper-West-Saxonism, falsely corrected from *heoht in a dialect which had -eo- for WS -e- in open syllables followed by -a-, -o-, -u-) must be reduplicated and correspond to Go. <lailaik>, <haihait> which have the same /o/-grade in the pres. and pret. But <leort>, <reord>, and <-dreord> correspond to the Go. "ablautend-reduplicierend" type with /e/-grade in the pres. On morphological grounds I consider it highly likely that all three are /r/-preterits.

> In all the examples we have good reason to place laryngeals (mostly *h1) in the roots. The following */u/ or */w/ either belongs to the root proper, or can be understood as the root-aorist extension seen in Lat. <gno:vi:>, <se:vi:>, etc.
>
> Along with Lehmann's <scorra>, I would cite OHG <erran> 'to plow' as an example of *-rX- > -rr-. Unlike other geminates, WGmc *-rr- cannot arise from *-rj-, so <erran> cannot be compared sound-for-sound with Go. <arjan>, a /j/-present. And we know from Greek that the IE root was *h2erh3-.

More likely PGmc had *arrjanaN from PIE *h2orh3-je/o-, but the *-rrj- was simplified to *-rj- in the dialects with the exception of Upper German, which retained the geminate until /j/-umlaut had occurred, and then simplified *errjan to <erran>. In this view the latter is identical to Go. <arjan>.

DGK