Re: Schöffe I

--- In cybalist@yahoogroups.com, "t0lgsoo1" <guestuser.0x9357@...> wrote:

>
> > And at the same time too dis-similar to be straight inheritance
> > from PIE, so they must be loans.
> >
> >As for the -b- instead -p- of cioban which you were wondering about
>
> If čoban, čaban, čolpan & the like, from the Turkic languages,
> is supposed to have played a role, then these terms should be
> examined; esp. to investigate whether the term once had other
> meanings than "shepherd" in modern Turkish and several other
> languages, namely whether it had the connotation of some (Scythian?
> Hunnic?) social *rank* (in the upper class). In Turkic languages,
> Çoban, Çaban or Çolpan are the names of Venus (morning star)
> [here ç = č]; in Hungarian legends there is a "wandering Csaba"
> (Çaba), seen as one of Attila's sons (probable: Irnik/Erngek).
> According to some researchers, Csaba might be the vague remembrance
> of Kuber/Kovrat, a Protobulgarian ruler in the 7th century, or a
> Protohungarian chieftain in the 10th century. The tenth century
> Petchenegs (Polovtsians) (contemporary of the Protohungarian
> character Csaba) had among their uluses/tribes one called Çoban,
> a nane rendered by emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus in Greek
> around AD 950 as Tsopon. Perhaps it wasn't a mere nickname "the
> shepherds".
>
> >Not Romance, I think. I suspect instead that <schöffe>/<schepen>
> >is a pre-Grimm loan in Germanic. If it came with the Bastarnian
> >invasion of Przeworsk and later Germany it might even be a
> >loan from Dacian.
>
> If a loanword, then a greater plausibility has the Slavic zhupan
> and zhupa. The relevant German-Slavic relationship was there,
> for several centuries, exactly in the areas where zhupan was in
> relevant usage, and - what's more! -, Schöppe/Schöffe/Saupe appeared
> a bit later: these variants seem to have been used more and more
> only in the MHG period, and not in the OHG one.
>
> If Turkic chaban might have played a role (a plausibility tending
> to nill, however), then it's notable that a presumed appropriate
> semantic of the word might have been in use in fitting time
> periods as well: during the hunnic impact (and symbiosis with
> several Germanic populations, e.g. Gepids, Goths), during the
> Avar impact (the Avar ruling glass ruling over a tremendous
> Slavic and Alanian "underling" class, of which, both Avars and
> Slavs, parts were absorbed by the Eastern Franks, i.e. by the
> Bavarian speaking Germans, chiefly in Austria and Bohemia.)
>

Another frequently utilized device for alleviating the disjunction between cultivation and herding is the employment of herdsmen. Herdsmen may be recruited from local, sometimes socially distinguished, occupational groups (Vincze 1971:172-174; Vulcănescu 1970:206,232) or from particular regions where the inhabitants specialize in this occupation (Arbos 1922:439-442; Dunăre 1972:188; Vuia 1964:180). In both cases expertise passes from fathers to sons. In some areas of the Alps and Pyrenees, younger disinherited sons (cadets) take up the profession (Carrier 1932:159, 170, 303). The extent and form of herdsmen's employment depend on regionally variable conditions. Such factors as the size and place of settlement, distance of pastures, composition of the family, importance of cultivation in relation to herding, length of time the animals are kept in open pastures, the organization of pastoral work on an individual or associational basis, etc., may determine how many herdsmen are employed and for what period, or whether their use is necessary at all. For example, as long as the animals pasture in the village area, small family herds may be cared for by children or women; or a few owners may aggregate their animals and tend them by taking turns (Carrier 1932:174; Kopczyńska-Jaworska 1963:85; Palády-Kovács 1965:29; Someşan 1934:295). In some mountain regions families follow the animals in the spring to temporary dwellings in submountain pastures where they also have cultivated plots. However, they do not follow the animals to higher pastures in summer; rather, private herds are amalgamated and depart under the supervision of skilled herdsmen (Carrier 1932:211, 288, 339; Morariu 1937:153; Vuia 1964:65). Organization of pastoral work exclusively on a family basis is viable mainly when the family is of the extended type and is able to provide personnel for the care of the livestock (Carrier 1932:140; Lockwood 1975:85-87; Webster 1973: 119, 121); or when agricultural tasks are minimal erither because of extreme scarcity of arable land (Carrier 1932:168, 285; Arbos 1922:449, 579; Matley 1968:239)5 or because of reliance on a single crop which does not require much work.6 Palády-Kovács (1965) describes a case for northern Hungary in which the two types of herding coexist. Extended households with a larger number of animals assign pastoral duties to some of their members specialized in herding, whereas peasants with small families form associations and entrust their livestock to professional herdsmen (for another mixed practice in Bosnia see Lockwood 1975:85-87, 91).

The employment of herdsmen is almost general throughout the Carpathian area and the Hungarian Plain. In these regions, herdsmen achieved social distinction and a true professional status involving several subspecialties (Someşan 1934: 323-324; Vulcănescu 1970:206-232; Gunda 1970; Vincze 1971; 1974). Numerous reports from many other regions give accounts of such specialization and confirm the importance of the herdsmen's role (e.g., Arbos 1922:438-442; Benet 1974:40-41; Carrier 1932:61-62,85-86, 164, 191, 249, 305, 339; Chiva 1963:109-110; Jacobeit 1961:164-I68; Kopczyńska-Jaworska 1963:87; Kubijowicz 1926:117; Loup 1965:238; Szábo I970:I77-280; and others).7 Characteristically, herdsmen are employed by communes or associated owners on the basis of a contractual agreement. Performance of the various tasks among the herd requires not only skills but also responsibility, discipline, and careful division of labor (cf. Vincze 1974). To achieve this, the principle of association is again put to use. Numerousa ccountsr eportt hatw hen herdsment ake over the herd, the team works within the framework of a well-defined, disciplined, hierarchically structured association, executing its duties in a professional manner under the rule of an older, skilled, trustworthy leader who assumes full responsibility toward the owners. The team achieves high efficiency in both pasturing and the processing of milk through discipline and controlled division of labor. It is beyond the scope of this paper to describet he organization and functioning of these teams (for details see Arbos 1922:438-439; Carrier 1932:85-86, 282; Gunda 1970; Loup 1965:238-240; Morariu 1937:181-187; Someşan 1934:319-323; Vincze 1974). For our purposes it is sufficient to point out that the utilization of herdsmen's services fills the gap between cultivation and herding. It solves the problem of distant pastures, frees manpower for agricultural work, and places the animals under the care of persons fully acquainted with the technology of herding.

...

CONCLUSION
In agro-pastoral economies farming and stock raising form a dialectical unit, therefore one can be understood only in relation to the other. The economy is most effective when it can integrate the two modes of production by taking maximal advantage of the mutually supportive elements and by reducing to a minimum the inconveniences resulting from conflictinfg actors. It has been shown that many basic features of the agro-pastoral economy have been generated by the need to integrate cultivation and animal husbandry through the adoption of specific technological and institutional arrangements. As the data indicate, these features are widespread and show similar characteristic in a variety of agro-pastoral societies.

In mixed economies, whether peasant or more advanced, the form of animal husbandry is determined to a significant degree by the state of development of the correlated agricultural technology. Peasant agricultural technology is extensive and, as it has been shown, a number of its characteristics imposes limitations specifically on those efforts aimed at integration. These constraints and responses to them are common features and occur fairly uniformly in several types of animal husbandry which are sometimes practiced in dissimilar environmental settings. It is, therefore, reasonable to postulate that the uniformity of these constraint is essential to the explanation of why similar strategic solutions are found in a wide range of agro- pastoral regions.

NOTES
...
5. In some regions nuclear families perform the task of pasturing the family herd (e.g., the "petite montagne" type in the Alps [Arbos 1922:384-385; 1923:571; Carrier 1932:285-286] and the region of Espinar in the Andes [Orlove 1977a:32]). The data show that this practice is correlated with family ownership of pastures and lack of cooperative arrangements. According to Carrier (1932:285), "Only when the permanent village is close at hand, and not predominantly agricultural, does the family go to the mountain for the inalpage."

6. In pre-Famine Irelands the potato required only one season (spring planting) intense labor. Idle summer months made it possibIe for families to spend this season with their herds in hill pastures living in rudimentary cabins (booleys) (Hill 1971:24-25).

7. The role of employed professional or semi-professional herdsmen has barely been noticed by American anthropologists, probably because of their long-term involvement with tribal pastoralismin which work is organized on a family basis. Also, it seems that some students have the tendency to equate these herdsmen with farm hands. The difference, however, is significant. The work of the farmhand does not involve particular expertise, whereas herdsmen are regarded as specialists. People's imaginations, however, have been very kind to these herdsmen. Innumerable pieces of folklore talk about their life and deeds. In fact, they have become popular heroes in many countries, e.g., the csikos in Hungary and the cioban or păcurar in Romania (see the similar role of the cowboy and gaucho). As Szabadfalvi (1970:156-157) writes about the Hungarian herdsmen: "For many centuries, herdsmen have been the sovereign leaders, breeders, and curers of Hungarian animal husbandry. They performed the task of breeding directed summer and winter grazing and the apportioning of scarce fodder resources. They defended the herd entrusted to them against wolves and robbers ... They nearly alone possessed the knowledge of herding inherited through many generations."


The unique professonal status and separateness of the ciobani might indicate a separate ethnic origin.


Torsten