Res: [tied] Re: Latin tempus

From: Torsten
Message: 66109
Date: 2010-04-24

--- In cybalist@yahoogroups.com, "Brian M. Scott" <BMScott@...> wrote:
>
> At 2:44:12 AM on Wednesday, April 21, 2010, Anatoly Guzaev
> wrote:

... the Slavic verb stavit (Russ ставить 'put'; вложить/ставить в уста 'put into the mouth'; SC staviti u usta 'put into the mouth', Cz po-stavit 'put'), which is probably derived from the noun stolb 'pillar, shaft, stanchion' (Cz oštěp 'shaft, spear', SC stub 'pillar, column', OIce stöpull 'column, tower', Eng. steeple, stave, Ger. Stab). Also stopa (Russ стопа, 'foot', ступня 'foot, sole', SC stupati 'step', Cz stoupání 'climbing'. For instance, Serbo-Croatian stablo 'tree, trunk' (probably the source of stolb) is undoubtedly related to stopalo 'foot' and to the verb staviti 'put' (cf. Eng. put and foot). SC ostava 'pantry, store' (from staviti, ostaviti 'deposit, store'; Skt sthāman 'place').The word stomach (SC stomak 'abdomen, belly', probably from Greek στόμᾰχος) may represent the above-mentioned store or pantry (SC ostava), from PIE *sta- and, possible, from the Ur-form *hobl-(h)-na (PSlav *оbьlъ; Russ обл, Cz oblý, LSorb hobli 'roundish, orbed', клапан 'piston', SC klip 'cob, dowel, piston, pivot', Ger Kolben).
...
Latin templum also may be related to stablo, stem and even table (now we can suppose that table is related to Slavic stol 'table'; from *stobl-).



> > English stalk seems to be closely related to PSlavic
> > *stIblo (Russ stebel', Cz stéblo, SC stabljika 'stalk';
> > *h&bl-h/n-).
>
> That *h&bl-h/n- makes very little sense. According to
> Derksen, Russ. <stebel'> is from PSl. *stIblI 'stem, stalk,
> trunk', from PIE *stibH-l-yo-; Cz. <stéblo> and Russ.
> <stebló> (dialect; ORuss. <stIblo>) are from PSl. *stIblo,
> from PIE *stibH-l-om. Baltic has cognates without the *l.
> I see no reason to think that English <stalk> is from the
> same root.
>

de Vries
'stafr m. "staff, stick, pillar; formular; letter, rune",
MIcel stafur, Faroese stavur, MNorw. Sw. Da. stav.
â€" > Shetl. stav, > Hebrid. staf "type of seaweed"
(Christiansen MM 1938, 10), >
Manx staff- (Marstrander NTS 6, 1932, 283), >
Saami stappe "barrel stave" (Qvigstad 319).
â€" Goth. stafs "letter",
OE. stæf "staff, letter",
OFr. stef,
OS staf,
OHG stap "staff"
â€" Lith. stãbas "idol",
Latv. stabs "support, pillar",
Sanskrit stabhnāti beside stambhate: "supports, impedes",
Lith. stabýti "make stop",
Toch. A stop, stow "staff" (IEW 1012-3).

â€" cf stabbi, stafa, stafn, stef, stefja 1, stefna and stapi.

The sense "letter" is from OE stæf; as "rune" it probably wouldn't have meant a wooden stave decorated with a rune. Nor would it mean literally "component part" (as in lagastafr "component part of beer"), as Lindquist SNF 9 Nr 1, 13 assumes, referring to Got. stafs, which also had had the sense "element" (see for an opposing view W. Krogmann IF 48, 1930, 268).

â€" The word stafr occurs only infrequently as part of names as Guðstafr, Ráðstafr, cf WGerm Sigistab.

The IE stem *ste(m)bh is one of the numerous extensions of a thematic root *st(h)e, which is used in particular for words of forestry. Whether it further is related to the root *stha: (cf standa), we will leave open.
Beside the extensions with labial, dental and guttural, occur forms such as *stei und *steu, as also *stel und *ster. From these stems words have been created
for "stub" (cf stabbi, stubbi, stofn, stumpr, stúfr, stútr),
for "the de-branched trunk" (strangi), further
for "stake, beam" (stafr, stagl, stál, stoð, stokkr, sto,pull, stik, stauli, stúka) and
"rod, bar" (staki, steggi, stuðill, sto,ng, stikk, staurr). The wood served in particular for
"palisades" (stakkr, stífla) and for
"fences" (stekka, stoð, sto,ðull, stía), thus also words for
"cut off, dam" (staka, slengja, stemma, stoppa).
There are a few words for
"roof" (staka 1), "gable" (stafn), with ? for "house" (stofa).
For joining the stakes willow wicker or rope were used (stag, stæðingr). The activities connected with this work are:
"thrust" (stjaka, stokka, stinga),
"stomp" (stappa 2, stauta).
Adjectives are
"blunt, short" (stuttr), "strong" (stinnr).
The transition from "wattle fence" to "male circle" occurs only rarely (cf stund, stím, stýra). Formally the words of this group are the following
extended with labial stafr, stifla, stúfr - stabbi, stubbi
stappa,
stampr, stumpr, stoppa, sto,pull, staup, stúpa,
stafn, stofn, stemma, stíni
extended with dental
stal, stoð, stóð, stæðingr, stuðill,
sto,ðull, stund, stuttr, stauta, stútr
extended with guttural
stag, stagl, steggi, stengja, stiga,
stinga, sto,ng staki, stakkr, stekki, stikull,
stjaka, stokkr, sto,kki
extended with l: cf stallr
extended with r: cf starr.

Most of these words have no IE correspondences, but where they occur, they all point to the same semantic field; thus there are IE correspondences for the "pole, stake" words
stafn, stauli, staurr, stífla, stjo,lr, stolpi, stúfr;
the senses "stiff, rigid, strong" occur with the IE correspondences of
steikr, stjarfr, stórr,
"thrust, stomp, stab" with those of
stauta, stappa 2 and stika.
This shows that already PIE had developed an intricate and formally variable word group for working with wood.'

UEW
'śolke "buckle, clasp" FW, ?? FP
Finn. solki (Gen. soljen) "buckle, clasp"
(>lapp. N sŏă-laкa, soleкi),
(SKES dial.) solkipuu "support, transom" (puu "tree, wood");
Est. sõlg (gen. sõle) "buckle, clasp; rod, transom, latch" |
Saami
N čulgum
"side-piece of a Lapp winter brogue made of shank-shin;
side-piece of winter legging or driving gloves of rindeer-skin",
L tjul`kum "the wedge-shaped gusset in a glove; the lateral shoe part of a fur shoe under the lateral part of the "upper leather", ruojas (corresponds roughly to the vamp, but consists of two parts on each shoe)" |

mord. E śulgamo, M śulgam "fibula" |

Mari
(Bud.) šolkamá "fibula in antica parte indusii",
(Szil.) šə^lkama "brooch",
?B šə^rkama "women's fibula" |

??[Udmurt
S K śul "sledge sole, runner",
(Wichm., inf. Uot.: MSFOu. 67:400) G śul: deďî-ś. "sledge runner" |

Komi
Le. śul: doď-ś., Ud. śuv: dojd~ś. "sledge runner(s)"
(doď "sledge").]

In Saami, Mordvin and Mari m is a deriv. suffix.
In Mari we would expect lγ in inlaut instead lk. It is possible that lk came about under the influence of B šə^rkama "women's fibula", the affiliation of which is uncertain because of r.'


'salkз- 'stehen' FU
Mari KB šalγ-, U B M šoγ- "stand" |

Udmurt
S sil-, K sə^l- "stand, exist, remain; cost (a price), be valid",
G sîlî- "stand",
S sult- "stand (up); get up (eg from sleeping)",
G sultî- "stand up" |

Komi S sulal-, P suva:v- "stand", PO sula:l- "id.; cost" |

Hung. áll- "stand (still); be valid".

Hung. ll can be explained from *lγ < *lk.'


The question is whether NW European *st- goes with Uralic *s or Uralic *s´ or possibly both, but according to which rules?



Torsten