Re: Sos-

From: Torsten
Message: 65149
Date: 2009-09-29

--- In cybalist@yahoogroups.com, "dgkilday57" <dgkilday57@...> wrote:
>
> --- In cybalist@yahoogroups.com, "Torsten" <tgpedersen@> wrote:
> >
> > --- In cybalist@yahoogroups.com, "dgkilday57" <dgkilday57@> wrote:
> > >
> > > --- In cybalist@yahoogroups.com, "Torsten" <tgpedersen@> wrote:
> > > >
> > > > --- In cybalist@yahoogroups.com, "dgkilday57" <dgkilday57@> wrote:
> > > > >
> > > > > [...]
> > > > >
> > > > > I have a copy of that paper, which I should probably
> > > > > revisit. I agree the Old PIE thematic vowel was */a/, and I
> > > > > believe this was preserved as */a/ in later PIE in heavy
> > > > > syllables in non-verbal forms. For example Lat.
> > > > > <falx> 'sickle', Sicel <zagkle:>, Liguro-Latin <daculum>,
> > > > > Gallo-Rom. dial. <dal>, <daille>, etc. (by dissimilation
> > > > > from *dalklom vel sim.) have what I regard as original /a/
> > > > > in the noun *dHalgH-s, *dHalgH-os, etc. corresponding to
> > > > > the verbal root *dHelgH-.
> > >
> > > Very poor example on my part since it depends on poorly
> > > attested Sicel and Ligurian. A better one is *da'k^ru-
> > > /*dak^ro'- 'tear'.
> > >
> > > > I hadn't thought of that, but it makes a lot of sense.
> > > > This is what I thought happened to cause ablauting paradigms:
> > > >
> > > > PPPIE *a: > PPIE -é:-/´-o:-/-Ø-´ > PIE -é-/´-o(:)-/-Ø-´
> > > > PPPIE *i: > PPIE -éI-/´-i:-/-i-´ > PIE -éI-/´-oI-/-i-´
> > > > PPPIE *u: > PPIE -óU-/´-u:-/-u-´ > PIE -éU-/´-oU-/-u-´
> > > >
> > > > where the last stage is generalization from stems in /a/ in
> > > > order to achieve ablauting paradigms (under Semitic
> > > > influence, as claimed by Vennemann?). Short /a/ would survive
> > > > such changes.
> > >
> > > Yes. I have no satisfactory theory of ablaut (since there is
> > > remodelling all over the place in attested languages), but I
> > > doubt that we need to posit shifting from one type of accent to
> > > another. The actual PIE accent was complex, as hinted by the
> > > way the Rig-Veda represents it.
> >
> > I must have explained myself badly. I am not positing accent
> > type shifting, only showing what I think happened to the 3 PPPIE
> > vowels /a/, /i/ and /u/ in tonic, post-tonic and pre-tonic
> > position. Mayby I should write it like this:
> >
> > PPPIE -á:-/´-a:-/-a:-´ > PPIE -é:-/´-o:-/-Ø-´
> > PPPIE -í:-/´-i:-/-i:-´ > PPIE -éI-/´-i:-/-i-´
> > PPPIE -ú:-/´-u:-/-u:-´ > PPIE -óU-/´-u:-/-u-´
> >
> > and then, by analogy
> >
> > PPIE -é:-/´-o:-/-Ø-´ > PIE -é-/´-o(:)-/-Ø-´
> > PPIE -éI-/´-i:-/-i-´ > PIE -éI-/´-oI-/-i-´
> > PPIE -óU-/´-u:-/-u-´ > PIE -éU-/´-oU-/-u-´
> >
> > (sorry for all the P's, I needed three stages)
>
> No original */i:/ survives.

In which model do you mean?

> Can you explain Greek <tri:'bo:> 'I rub', 2nd aor. pass.
> <etri'be:n> with short /i/?

Greek is not my strong suit, but this one I think I can handle by means of another rule I proposed; see the discussion starting in
http://tech.groups.yahoo.com/group/cybalist/message/46106
and
http://tech.groups.yahoo.com/group/cybalist/message/47212
http://tech.groups.yahoo.com/group/cybalist/message/46183
http://tech.groups.yahoo.com/group/cybalist/message/49523
In casu: tri:b- is a cross between the forms occurring in 3sg *tréIb- and 3pl *trimb-´.


> Greek turns */ih2/ into /ia/ (feminines corresponding to Sanskrit
> -i:) and */ih3/ into /io/ (<bios> 'life', originally a root-noun
> *gWih3-s).

I don't deny the existence of laryngeals.

> I can only explain this by assuming survival of orig. /i:/, with
> reduced grade in the aor. pass. by analogy after verbs with full
> grade in /ei/. Not very satisfactory.


...
>
> > > My new strategy is to address one word at a time. I
> > > find 'hunger' very important.
> >
> > Me too. As a matter of fact I'm rather peckish now. Erh, which
> > word were you thinking of?
>
> Gothic <hu:hrus>, Gmc. *hun,hruz, beside OHG <hungar> (/a/-stem,
> sometimes /u/-stem) and the rest, Gmc. *hun,graz, implying
> Proto-Gmc. (before the shifts) *kn.'kru-, *kn.kro'-. This is like
> *da'k^ru-, *dak^ro'- 'tear' (again Gmc. has both, and the /a/-stem
> tends to get contaminated with the /u/-stem). To me this looks
> like an archaic PIE dimorphism, so I would argue against 'hunger'
> being a loan from outside IE.

Let's just say it looks like a dimorphism. 'Cubism' looks like a dimorphism too, given other -isms, but that doesn't imply it's from OE.

> I haven't decided whether 'hunger' represents *kenk- as the EWbb.
> say, or a reduplicated formation like Grk. <ka'khrus> or
> <de'ndron>, from *k(^)er-(?).

Alternation -an-/-un- and it doesn't follow Verner? I'm getting suspicious.

A wild shot in the dark:
http://www.angelfire.com/rant/tgpedersen/krn.html
cf. Lith. kankà "torture"

> > > > > And while I may not be able to disprove the notion of
> > > > > ablauting PIE-speakers overrunning earlier non-ablauting
> > > > > speakers, I find it hard to believe that the same scenario
> > > > > occurred exactly the same way in different areas,
> > > >
> > > > AFAI can see, all we need to assume to make that scenario
> > > > work is that at a certain time the hearth of the nomad
> > > > attacks developed ablaut.
> > > >
> > > > > and that the pre-IE substrate was always insulated from the
> > > > > ablauting Hochsprache by this Niedersprache.
> > > >
> > > > ?? Who said that?
> > >
> > > It would follow from the scenario you suggested, since the
> > > ablauting nomads would not directly conquer any
> > > non-IE-speakers, only non-ablauting IE-speakers who had
> > > already absorbed the substraters.
> >
> > Not necessarily, they might have left some 'bald spots' where
> > non-IE speakers survived, only to be wiped out by the ablauters.
>
> Can we identify any bald spots, or would later leveling have acted
> like Rogaine?

-a- would shine through, and Pokorny would sift pre-ablauters from substraters. But that doesn't answer you question, of course.

Perhaps we can estimate at least the distribution of /a/ vs. e/o/zero from their respective occurrence in eg the *d/tran,W- root in hydronyms, note Udolph's dicussion of the distribution of the roots *Drag- vs. *Dreg- in
http://tech.groups.yahoo.com/group/cybalist/message/61626
if that root is IE at all; and besides it may just be the name in the language of the people using the rivers for transport, note the Dutch origin of hydronyms such as Kattegat, Skagerrak, North Sea (from Dutch-made charts).
http://tech.groups.yahoo.com/group/cybalist/message/58462
bottom (but I stick to my semantics for it).

> > > The real problem here is that the words with /a/ seldom show
> > > the "upper-class" variants with /e/ and /o/.


> > Class VI 'draw' vs. class I 'drive', perhaps (all of class VI
> > strong verbs are best explained as PPGmc -a-/-a:-/-a:-/-a- >
> > PGmc -a-/-o:-/-o:-/-a-), Engl. grab vs OIc grípa, Engl. wag vs.
> > OIc víkja "move"? Futher the OIc. class III verb exceptions
> > gjalda "pay", gjalla "shout", hjálpa "help", skjálfa "tremble",
> > skjalla "scold" with present root vowel /a(:)/ for /i/ (< PIE -é-
> > before R). Other than that note the alternation -eu-/-u:- in most
> > of the class II verbs vs. OE scu:fan, OHG su:fan; that
> > alternation is of the same PIE/PPIE type as the -a-/-e- you were
> > looking for. Note how large the -u:- subclass is in Dutch, as
> > expected, I'm not convinced it grew later.
> >
> > Note also that some of the class II -u:C- subclass have -uCC-
> > geminated counterparts: OHG su:f-, Engl. sup, sip, Schrijver's
> > *dubb- etc, Sw class III dimpa, damp,
> > http://ordnet.dk/ods/opslag?id=437209
> >
> > http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Germanic_strong_verb
>
> I can't give a quick answer to the <scu:fan> business, or the
> geminates.

A solution like that in the *trib- case?


Torsten