Re: Latin /a/ after labials, IE *mori

--- In cybalist@yahoogroups.com, "alexandru_mg3" <alexandru_mg3@...> wrote:

>
> --- In cybalist@yahoogroups.com, Piotr Gasiorowski <gpiotr@> wrote:
>
> > > A) mane:re falls in the rule above so we regularly have:
> > >
> > > 1. *mon-éh1- > mane:re
> >
> > That's how Schrijver explains it, but not how IE fientives are formed.
> > The expected grade is zero, not *o.
>
>
> Some non-zero-grade -eh1- forms:
>
> Lith. lauketi 'wait' < louhk-eh1-tei [Derksen]
> Lith. niìedėti `despise' < h3neid-eh1- (h3noid-eh1-?) [Derksen]
> Lith sėdėìti `sit' < sed-eh1-
>
> So *mon-eh1- is Ok.
>
> (despite R(z)-eh1/h1 in LIV)
>
>
> -------------------------------------------------------------------
> > > BUT In this Context *mon-éye would have been resulted again as *mane:re
> > > 'to warn' but Semantically is different from mane:re 'to stay' : so is
> > > normal to be retained/restored as an o-causative mone:re
> >
> > This is an ad hoc explanation.
>
>
> If for you is Ok to have in the same language mane:re 'to remain' and mane:re 'to warn' and to continue to use them like this for the next 200 years than is 'ad-hoc' for sure.
>
> But normally anybody wants to can clearly say 'I remain' in place that 'I warn'
>
> In relation with the inventions m(&)n- m(&)rei-, the explanation above is quite an elegant one: keeping under the same rules clear etymologies like *mori > mare ; *mon- > manus, *morg^o:- > margo: etc...
>
>
> In fact the &-solution here: m(&)n- m(&)rei- is an ad-hoc one
> --------------------------------------------------------------------
>
> III.
> > > B. mora 'pause, delay' is from the root *merh- so it was *morh-eh2
> > > And in this case, we have a closed syllable here: *mor-heh2
> >
> > No, the Indo-Iranian treatment of the root (Skt. perf. sasma:ra <
> > se-smór-e, adj. smr.tá- 'remembered' < *smr.tó-) rules out a final
> > laryngeal.
> > Piotr
>
>
> Matassovic agrees with me:
>
> Proto-Celtic: *mar-o- 'remain' [Verb]
>
> Old Irish: maraid, -mair 'last, remain'; marathair, -marathar [Subj.]; meìraid, meìra [Fut.]
>
> Proto-Indo-European: *merH-
>
> Page in Pokorny: 969f. (*(s)mer-)
>
> IE cognates: Lat. mora 'delay'
>
> References: KPV 476, LEIA M-19
> Marius

seems that for Lubotsky is *merh- too
Lat. mora [f] `delay, obstacle' ; OIr. maraid [verb] `to stay'

(even he has a doubt if mari belongs here or not) :
----------------------------------------------

Sanskrit: mari [3]

First attestation: RV

Part of speech: [verb]

Gramm. forms: Perfect (?): mumurat [2sg.subj.act.] `shall hinder' (RV 08.097.03) {1}; Intensive: marmartu [3sg.impv.act.] `let (Bṛhaspati) hinder (him)' (RV 08.097.03) {2}

Meaning: `to hinder'

Link to RV concordance: mr̥̄3-

Proto-Indo-Iranian: marH-

Other forms in Indo-Aryan: ā-marītár- [m] `the one who hinders' (RV); ā-múr- [f] `obstacle' (RV); an-ā-mr̥ṇá- [adj] `having no obstacle' (RV)

Page in EWAia: 2.321

See also: mardi

IE form: merH-

Certainty: ?

Page in Pokorny: -

Cognates in other languages: Lat. mora [f] `delay, obstacle' {3}; OIr. maraid [verb] `to stay' {3}

Notes: {1} [LK] The form is taken as perfect by several scholars ( Whitney 1885: 124; Lubotsky 1997a: 1085), but it is missing from the corpus of Kümmel 2000 (thus not qualified as perfect by him) and Bendahman 1993 (thus not a redupl. aor.). {2} [LK] The form is connected with mari [3] by Insler 1972b and Lubotsky 1997a: 1085), but with mari [2] `to crush' by Mh and Schaefer 1994: 166 or, alternatively, with mardi `to crush' (Schaefer). {3} Connection uncertain.


Marius