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There is another Silius who might be relevant: Publius Silius Nerva,
the conqueror of the Alpine Regions:
Tom Markey
A Tale of Two Helmets: The Negau A and B Inscriptions
Footnote:
'21. The Tropaeum Alpinum (La Turbie, Alpes-Maritimes, France; CIL
5.7817), on the border between Italy and France above modern Monaco,
was constructed between July 1st, 7 BC, and June 30th, 6 BC, to
memorialize the conquest of Alpine tribes (ca. 25-15 BC) as
purportedly directed by Caesar Augustus. Construction was completed on
the twentieth anniversary of his having received the title of Augustus
and on approximately the fiftieth anniversary of commencement of
Julius Caesar's Gallic War. The text of the Tropaeum, a monument
imposing even in ruin, lists gentes Alpinae devictae. The monument and
its text have been reconstructed by Formigé (1949: fig. 51), and the
Tropaeum's text is recorded by Pliny (NH 3.20.136-137 [Loeb edition]).
Caesar's (BG 3.1,2) Nantuates, Seduni and Varagri occur on the
Tropaeum as tribes 20, 21 and 22 respectively, while his Caturiges (BG
1.10) is tribe 27.
The Tropaeum is our primary ethnography of the Alpine Celtic regions
of France, Switzerland, Italy, Austria, Germany and Slovenia from
approximately 57 to 7 BC. It does not, however, mention significant
toponyms such as the municipium Tridentum (Trento), perhaps the
oppidum of the Isarci; see Schön (1986:44-45). Understandably, the
Tropaeum does not mention the Norici, who were not considered
"conquered." It seems unlikely that the listed tribes were subjects of
mere rebellions, but rather of full-scale conquest.
Here, the form that occurs in the monument's inscription, often
reconstructed from fragments alone, is given first, followed by that
recorded by Pliny, but the Plinian forms also vary according to
manuscript tradition; e.g. (1) Trumpiuni (monument)/ Triumpilini
(Pliny); see Schön (1986:44, fn. 238). Where there is no difference
between monument and Pliny, then the monument form alone is cited.
Many of the names in the Tropaeum's list are difficult to identify,
and identification has been attempted numerous times, from Müllenhoff
(1870-1887:2.Karte I) to Schön (1986:18, Abb. 1), to cite but two
attempts. Ethnonyms (e.g. 'those who serve X') and toponyms (e.g. 'the
region of those who serve X') were not mutually exclusive. The
location of a tribe could change in time; even within the three
quarters of a century or so between inscription of the Tropaeum and
Pliny's history. Pliny (NH. 3.20.135) says that the Vennonenses (sic)
live near the source of the Rhine (ortus Rheni amnis accolunt), but
this may not always (or ever) have been the case. The same name could
have applied to different locations and/or tribes or portions of
tribes. How the names were gathered and recorded, quite possibly in an
ethno-insensitive Ellis Island manner, may well have impacted accuracy
and completeness. Results might well have been curtailed, analogized
with Latin or otherwise confused. Head nouns could have been deleted
and modifying adjectives construed as tantamount to names per se. In
addition to notorious textual corruption (e.g. Teutosagi for Tectosagi
in Plinian traditions), it has long been obvious that tribal names
were subject to replacement, change and/or misinterpretation: e.g.
Semnones > Alamanni > Suevi; Boviates > Boiates > Boii Additional
etymological difficulties are posed when attempting to distinguish
between Lat. -n-a:ti- and a potential Etr. -nati (e.g. Petinati),
composed of -na- and the Etr. locative desinence -ti (vowel quantity
is not indicated in Etruscan orthography); so, too between Etr. -ini.
(Lucini, a gens at Bolsena) and Lat. -i:ni:: Celtic -in(oi) <
*-e:n(oi), not necessarily exclusively Umbrian as some would have it,
and between Etr. and Lat. rationale, whether geographic, ethnic,
martial (by campaign or theater), historical, political, by pagi, the
divisions of a Gaulish army, within a civitas, or by civitates, or by
some combination of these considerations, that orchestrated
arrangement of the Tropaeum's names has been long debated, but never
fully recognized; see Chadwick (1970:57-62) for a sketch of Celtic
socio-political organization. Identifiable names tend to be clumped
geographically as sets: e.g. 21, 22, 23; 25, 26, 27, 28. Some names
appear to comprise sets of four, as did the pagi of the Helvetii (BG
1.12); cf. Gaul. Petru-corii 'the four hosts (clans).'
Four names/tribes are said to be Vindelican (Vindelicorum gentes
quattor). If these are the four tribes that precede this
interpolation, then they are the
Isarci (5: Isarco, cf. Gaul. Isara > Isère),
Breuni (6: Val Bregna, Ticino),
Genaunes (7: Val d'Agno, Ticino) and
Focunates (8: Vogogna, Valle Ossola, Verbano; cf. Caesar's [BG 1.10]
and Pliny's [3.4.37] Vocontii in Gaul and Pliny's [3.17.124] Vocontii
at Novara, Gaul. Voconii forum, between Antibes and Marseilles, and
Voc(c)io [BG 1.53] and review the discussion of Negau A II above).
"Illyrian" identification of these groups (so Strabo Bk. IV) has long
since been discredited; see Polomé (1966:59-66). If these are the four
tribes that follow this interpolation, then they are the Cosvanetes/
Cosuanates (9: cf. the Latin cognomen Cos(s)us, generally considered
Etruscan in origin; Etr. Cusiþe, Cusiþi, Cusin- at Perugia, Orvieto,
Bruscalupo, Tarquinia :: Lat. Cosidius, Cos(s)inius, Cossus,
Cos(s)utius, Cos(s)utianae, etc.);
Rucinates (10),
Licates (11) and
Catenates/Cattenates (12). For definition of (10-12), see our
discussion below.
It is more likely, however, that the four "Vindelician" tribes formed
a civitas comprised of four pagi, each of which was characterized by
vindelicus in which Lat. -icus, an adjective' suffix denoting rank,
origin, and/or membership, approximated Celtic -iko- s; thus vindelici
'conspicuous, white' < *winde/o-l-iko-s, see Evans (1967:387, fn. 4),
Schulze (1904: s.v. Vindelicus), Thurneysen quos missus est Drusus.
They were seemingly among the most readily identifiable Alpine
civitates in post-republican Rome. Roman civil and military management
recognized Rhetic, Vindelic and Gallic as distinct (also
linguistically?) but related entities, a practice duly reflected by
Tacitus (Annals 2.17): ni Raetorum Vindelicorumque et Gallicae
cohortes signa obiecissent.
As is true of the first ten names, the majority of the succeeding
names are rather transparently Celtic or Celticized:
Licates (11: Lech : Lat. Licus, cf. Gaul. Licanicum,
St.-Germain-Lembron, Puy-de-Dome);
Catenates/Cattenates (12: 'those who serve Cattos'; see [RIG 4.226]);
Ambisontes (13: Amb-isóntioi Ptolemy 2.13.2, Ambi-Sontius, identified
in 1836 as the Salzachtal by none other than Johann Kaspar Zeuss
(1806-1856), but more likely the mid-Isonzo = Lat. Aesontius in
Slovenia, see Gus^tin [1991:84], Werner [1961:143-160 = 1979:138-156]
and, for earlier research, Schmidt [1957:123]);
Rugusci/Rigusci (14: perhaps from *rigo- 'band' + Lat. sci as in
Volsci, cf. OIr. cuimrech 'fetter(ing), binding' < *kom-rigo-n; cf.
Etr. Rusci = Lat. Roscia at Chiusi),
Suanetes (15: < Proto-Celtic *su-anati:- < * su-H2én-H2-ti:- lit.
'good soul/life,' cf. Brythonic *Anatemo:ros (ANATEMORI) 'the great
hearted one,' MW eneid 'life, soul, friend (as a form of address),'
Mod. W. enaid 'id.' vs. proto-Celtic *ana-mon- 'soul' < *H2én-H2-mon-
as in MBret. eneff 'id.', cf. OIr. anim(m) < *anamu: 'soul,' confused
with Lat. anima; see Thurneysen [1966:214], [IEW38-39], Watkins
[1962:183]),
Calucones (16: cf. Gaul. calo- to cal-eto- 'hard', OIr. calath, Gaul.
Caletes > Caux, numismatic KALETEDOU [RIG 4.91, 92], see Schmidt
[1957:160, 179-182], cf. Gaul. Calatonnus, St.Julien-de-Chedon,
Loir-et-Cher; Etr. Calu- a divinity);
Brixenetes/Brixentes (17: Brixen/Bressanone, cf. Brigantium > Bregenz;
see Schmidt [1957:155]);
Leponti (18: Val Leventina (Ticino) < Lepontina : le:pontio-<
*leikwontio);
Uberi (19: Pliny [n.h. 3.20.135] Lepontiorum qui Uberi vocantur fontem
Rhodani eodem Alpium tractu; Celticity uncertain);
Nantuates (20: Nantuates, BG 3.1; Gaul. nanto 'valley' < *nn.to, as in
Trinanto 'three valleys');
Seduni (21: Sion, Valais; Seduni, BG3.1; with sed-, a common Celtic
onomastic component, see Schmidt [1957:265]);
Varagri (22: for Veragri, .BG 3.1, 2 < *upér-H2ég-r- [IEW 6], OIr. ár
slaying nt. < *agro-n, gen. sg. agri:, cf. Suetri below, latinized as
an ethnonym 'the mighty fighters'; near Octodu:rus = Martigny,
Switzerland);
Salassi (23: Valle d'Aosta, Livy 21.38, Strabo 4.402, Pliny 3.17.123);
Acitavones/Agitabones (24: cf. Gaul. Acitodunum > Ahun, Creuse; the
suffix is *-wones compounded with latinate acita- for Celtic *okita:
'harrow' [IEW 22] < *H3ék-e-teH2-, Brythonic oged, Gmc. *agido:-
'id.'; cf. *Ariwones reflected in Prestino's ARIUONEPOS = Ariwonibos
dat. pl. 'those who serve *Ariwos' = 'Agricola' or 'those who use the
plow' from *H2er(H3)-iy-wo:(n) with stripping of the final part of the
set base [IEW 63] as a concomitant result accompanying accretion of
suffix bulk, so Hamp [1995b], cf. Watkins [1962:181-185]; Agita for
Acita- is due to confusion with Lat. agito- and the like);
Medulli (25: St. Jean-de-Maurienne, cf. Gaul. Medulli);
Ucenni (26: le Bourg-d'Oisans on the upper Romanche, cf. Gaul.
Ucetium, civ. Ucetiense > Uzes, Gard);
Caturiges (27: < *catu-ri:g-: Chorges, on the upper Durance west of
Embrun < Ebrodunum, BG 1.10);
Brigiani (28: Briançon; cf. Brythonic Brigantes discussed above, see
Schmidt [1957:156]);
Socionti/Sogionti ~ Sobionti (29: < *su:-bi(y)os 'pig killer' [IEW
118, 1038], latinized with -nti as an ethnonym, a parallel to
*banwo-bi(y) os reflected in banuabi on Negau A (Ic); cf. OIr. socc
'hog' < *su-kk-);
Brodionti (30: < Proto-Celtic *bro<p>od-yo- 'sharp march, journey",
perhaps 'those who make brisk marches,' cf. OIr. uide 'journey, march'
< *<p>od-yo-);
Nemaloni (31: Miolans, St. Pierre-d'Albigny, Haute Savoie;
*nema-<p>la:no- with nema- as contained in Nemauses > Nîmes and
Camunic NEMAZEZ = nemases at Naquane, see Morandi [1998a:105, 109],
[RIG 4.210], Schmidt [1957:248]; cf. Venetu-la:ni in Latium, Pliny
[3.5.9]);
Edenates (32: < Proto-Celtic *edenno- 'ivy' masc. o-stem, OIr.
e(i)den(n), MW eido = eiddio, Lat. hedera lit. 'the wall eater');
Vesubiani (33: cf. Gaul. Vesubium, a mutatio, Le-Mas-d'Agenais,
Lot-et-Garonne; compound of vesu- 'good, rich' + bi(y)os 'slayer',
latinized as an ethnonym 'the successful slayers, killers');
Veamini (34: if Etruscan, we would expect syncopated *veamni; but
probably from a Proto-Celtic * we-amman- < * we-a<p>-man- <
*we-H2ép-mH2n- 'much at hand' [IEW 50-51], Stokes [1894:16]; cf. OIr.
amma 'hand' nt. n-stem, compounded with the intensive adverbial prefix
*we- and latinized with -i:ni: as an ethnonym; cf. the Castaneda
flagon spout inscription which reflects *we-ges-to- with the -to- form
of an IE hand-word not otherwise attested in Celtic, but reflected in
Lat. praesto < *prai-hest d : prae manu, cf. Skt. hasta-stha adj.
'being in one's hand'; see Markey and Mees [2002]);
Gallitae/Gallitraetri (35: for Gallicae);
Triullati/Ulatti (36: < ua:tos 'hairy, bearded,' cf. Gaul. Triulatti,
OIr. Ulaid 'Ulster');
Ecdini (37);
Vergunni (38: < Proto-Celtic * ver-gon-i nt. i-stem 'super slaying' <
*upér-gwén- [IEW 492], Watkins [1995:301, fn 9], Schmidt [1957:291];
ethnonym latinized as *ver-gon-ini: > *vergonni:, recorded as
vergunni, a parallel to *ver-agro-n : varagri);
Egui (39),
Turi (40)/Eguituri
(39: Guillaumes, cf. Gaul, numismatic eiqi-tiaicos [RIG 4.157]),
Nematuri (41/40),
Oratelli (42/41: uncertain, but may contain *<p>ra:ti- < *prH4-ti-,
see fn. 15),
Nerusi (43/42: Celticity uncertain, cf. Schmidt [1957:248]),
Velauni (44/43: Beuil; cf. Beaune < Vellaunodunum, BG 7.11.4, and
Brythonic Cassi-vellaunus, Catu-vellauni; see Schmidt [1957:288-289]),
Suetri (45/44: *su-<p>etr-i: 'good bird' [cf. Lat. acci-piter 'hawk,'
lit. 'quick bird'] gen. sg. nt. of *etrón [IEW 825-826], nom.-acc. pl.
oxytonic etrá > MW atar vs. OW sg. eterin < eter + in = masc.
singulative, Mod. W. aderyn 'id.'; a modifier apparently left as
residue after deletion of a head noun (= 'clan'?) and interpreted as
an ethnonym, cf. Ir. MacEoin 'son of bird' with gen. sg. eoin <
*<p>etni: ; gen. sg. *etr i would have been perceived as Lat. nom. pl.
like agr i: to ager, recall No. 15 Suanetes).
Consulting Roman sources, one might hypothesize that the tribes listed
first were those conquered most recently, perhaps as late as 15 BC by
Publius Silius Nerva, prior to erecting the Tropaeum, so Dio Cassius
in his History of Rome (54.20.1, cf. 54.22-3-5); see Lunz
(1981b:16-19), Schön (1986:43, fn. 236) for the pertinent passages in
Livy (59 BC-17 AD), Horace (65-8 BC), Pliny (23-79 AD), Velleius (fl.
30 AD), Suetonius (ca. 69-140 AD), Dio Cassius (ca. 150-235 AD) and
their commentators.
The first four names are: Trumpiuni/Triumpilini (1: Val Trompia above
Brescia, ancient Brixia), Camunni (2: Val Camonica, north of Val
Trompia), Vennonetes (3: possibly Pliny's Vennonenses at the source of
the Rhine, but perhaps Val di Non/torrente Noce) and Venostes/
Vennostes (4: Val Venosta/Vinschgau). Schön (1986:18, Abb. 1) also
places the Vennonetes on the Vorderrhein, but he comes off as a
linguistically challenged historian who fails to engage the names
etymologically. The Tropaeum's apparent Vennonetes - Venostes ordering
is reversed by Pliny, but the canonical sequence remains unknown; see
Lunz (1981b:8-13), Schön (1986:44). This foursome may not only define
a route of conquest, but also an age-old south - north trade and
contact corridor that linked Brescia with Val Camonica and thence
Sanzeno and from Sanzeno across to Val Venosta and then up Val Venosta
to the ancient Rhetic settlement at Tartscherbühel (unfortunately
still unexcavated, perhaps inhabited as late as La Tène D1), thence
northward over Reschenpass, recently (1996) archaeologically
documented as a Rhetic mutatio, and from there down the Inn and
eventually into "Germania." We surmise that Camunic was one of the
last groups to fall to Romanization.
Camunni possibly designated a North Etruscan (Rhetic) group, cf. Camu-
as a gens at Orvieto (ancient Volsini); comparison with Gaul. Camulos,
a war god (IEW557), uel sim. is seemingly unrewarding; see Schmidt
(1957:160).
Trumpiuni/Triumpilini = *trum-pil-ini with latinized -ini as in
Volsinii to Etr. velzna < *velzuna; *trum- < *pe-trum- < *kwe-twor-m-
'4th' (ordinal composition form to the cardinal composition form
*kwetru-: Lat. quadru-) + pil- < *kwil- < *kwel 'host' (IEW 640) 'the
fourth host (clan),' cf. Gaul. Petru-corii 'the four clans'; see
Schmidt (1957:255). Cf. tru- '4' as a reduction of *kwetru-, possibly
in Ven. Trumusiati (a divinity at Làgole only) and Homeric trupáleia
'helmet (comprised of four parts)' < *tetrupáleia; see Wackernagel
(1881:283 = 1969:227).
Venostes probably reflects a Proto-Celtic *wen-es-t-owe-s, nom. pl. of
*wen-es-t-u-s nom. sg. masc. u-stem : OIr. coibnius 'kinship,
relation' < *kom-wen-es~t-u-s 'affinita:s' :: OIr. coibnest(a)e adj.
'related' < *kom-wen-es-odyo-s; see Thurneysen (1966:165-166, 196,
220, 222), (TEW 1146-1147). As with Vindelici, we may be dealing with
modifier residue after deletion of a head noun. If from an underlying
Celtic *wen-nanto- with *-a- > (orthographic) -o- on the analogy of
Venostes, then Vennon(e)tes: Venostes; cf. Nantuates (20) above. From
this, we infer that Venostes may have been associated as an ethnonym
with Vennonetes as a companion toponym. This pairing might account for
variable ordering (Venostes -Vennonetes ~ Vennonetes - Venostes) in
inventory recitations, particularly those compiled by foreigners.'
BTW Suanetes?? What are they doing in the Alps (unless someone took
them there)?
So the Hoby chief might have waited it out in the Alps and his cup
marked 'Silius' be taken from P. Silius Nerva.
Torsten