> > 7. Early PU LWs
...
> > s-kip = Vogul xaap, kaap
> Distinctly! The English word is isolated in Germanic, unless you
> can link it to Middle Swedish _skuppa_, _skoppa_ 'skip'.
Ante Aikio
On Germanic-Saami contacts and Saami prehistory
'3.10.
SaaL gahppat 'to jump, leap', SaaU gah'pat 'to gallop', SaaS gahpedh
'to climb; to jump and run around; to rise on the hind legs and kick
with the forelegs (of reindeer)' < PS *këppë- « (via labial
dissimilation) *koppë- < PreS *kuppi- < PGerm *huppo:(ja)- 'to leap,
jump, hop' (> Old Norse, Icelandic, Swedish hoppa, English hop) or
*huppia- id. (> Germ hüpfen) (ÍO, AEWb, SEO s.v. hoppa; Kluge s.v. hüpfen)
The verb *këppë- shows reflexes from South to Lule Saami, and the
meanings oscillate between 'jumping', 'running', 'galloping', and the
like. The word shows a notable resemblance to Germanic *huppo:(ja)-
'to jump, leap, hop'. The loan etymology is phonologically quite
straightforward, as long as PS *këppë- is analysed as a word that has
undergone the sporadic labial dissimilation *o > *ë adjacent to labial
consonants. There are numerous examples of this development; see 3.1.
for parallels and discussion.
The substitution of PS *k- for PGerm *h- (*x-) shows that the
borrowing is quite old. This sound correspondence poses no problem to
the etymology, as the same substitution is also attested in other
borrowings which occur exclusively in Saami (see e.g. 3.11., 3.13.).
As for the second syllable vowel, there are also many other examples
of the substituion of PreS *-i- for Germanic *-o:- in verb stems (see
3.2., 3.8., 3.18., 3.22., 3.26.).'
Dansk etymologisk Ordbog
skumpe "shake, jolt", MDa., Nw. id., Sw.dial. skumpa "run in a
bouncing fashion", Icel. skumpa "jump, move jerkily"; in ablaut
relation to Sw.dial. skimpa "jump", OHG scimpfan "play, jest, taunt",
Germ. schimpfen "scold", to PIE (s)kamb-, *(s)kemb- "bend" like OI
camb "bent", Gr. skambós "bow-legged". The basic meaning of skumpe is
thus "walk hunched over". Possibly humpe II is related.
II humpe v. "walk with difficulty (supporting on one leg only)"; MDa.,
Nw. id., Sw.dial. humpa "ride badly", Germ.dial. humpen "totter,
skip"; to PIE *kum-b, *kum-bh- (extension to *keu- "bend") etc ...
II hoppe v. ODa. hoppæ, Nw. hoppe, Sw., late ON hoppa, Du., Lgerm.
hoppen, MHG hupfen; from Gmc. huppo:n, the -pp- of which is an
intensive formation [yawn], cf. MLG huppen, MHG, Germ. hüpfen from
Gmc. *huppian; to PIE *keu-b- "bend" etc etc
> > 9. The richness of the vocabulary related to horses in Germanic is
> > an indication that proto-Germanic-speakers took an active part in
> > the horse domestication.
> > Cf. mar-ko < LW of Asiatic *mor-(?)-
> But cf. Celtic *markos 'horse' (Old Irish _marc_, Welsh _march_,
> apparently also in Gaulish). Pokorny erects PIE *marko-.
Interestingly, we can combine the questions:
DEO
I hoppe "mare" MDa., Nw id., Sw.dial. hoppa; from II hoppe, actually
"pacer", named after its bouncing gait.
Zbigniew Gol/a,b 'The Origins of the Slavs', p. 120
'10.) komonI ~ kobyla 'horse', the former attested e.g. in ORuss.
komonI, Cz. komon^, and indirectly in OPol. komonika and North Slavic
komonica, is ingeniously interpreted by Martynov as representing a
condensation of Balto-Slav. *kamanas as^vas 'bridled horse' (cf. Lith.
kãmanos 'bridle', kãmanoti, kamanúoti 'to bridle' and as^và 'mare');
the latter, known in all Slavic languages in the meaning 'mare,'
according to Martynov, comes from Italic kabo: (cf. Lat. cabo:, gen.
-o:nis 'horse') extended by the suffix -la in Proto-Slavic (Italic
long closed o is treated in early Proto-Slavic as u: >y, cf. pa:sto:r
> pastyrI, etc.); Martynov, I.c. 24.
The above treatment of cabo: by Martynov as an old Italic word is
mistaken. Ernout and Meillet (1939 edition) have cabo:, -o:nis m.
'cheval hongre' (sic!) and clearly indicate that it is a glossary
word, most probably a contamination of caballus and capo:/capus
'capon'. But caballus itself is of unknown foreign origin in Latin and
in Greek (Hesychius: kabálle:s: ergáte:s híppos). There is even a
hypothesis that the ultimate source of caballus may have been an
ethnicon referring to some East European people known for their skill
in horse breeding and especially horse gelding (see Fr. cheval hongre,
i.e. literally 'Hungarian horse' and Pol wal/ach 'gelded horse',
literally 'Walachian', etc.). Whether Slav. kobyla is somehow
connected with caballus remains doubtful. So the above Slavic-Italic
correspondence does not have sufficient historical justification, and
should be removed from the list (but cf. p. 168).'
I think I'll disagree.
p. 168
'
31) komonI, attested in ORuss, UIkr., and Czech, "battle horse" ...
32) konI "horse" (derived from the latter, ie. *komnyo-)
'
Is this where we throw in 'hobble' (and 'hobby horse)'?
Torsten