Re: Latin -idus as from dH- too

Piotr, I am wondering if PIE *ó could have been early.

I am thinking about the possibility that when the stress-accent was removed
from *é, instead of reverting to *e, it overcompensated by becoming *è which
then became *o.

Does that resonate with you or anyone else?


Patrick

----- Original Message -----
From: "Piotr Gasiorowski" <gpiotr@...>
To: <cybalist@yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Sunday, March 16, 2008 7:31 AM
Subject: Re: [tied] Latin -idus as from dH- too


> On 2008-03-16 10:20, alexandru_mg3 wrote:
>
> > Another word for Piotr an Miguel is Skt a:ti' 'duck' < *h2nh2-t'i
> > (accented on final i)
> >
> > The reasonant is vocalized here not the laryngeal.
> >
> > The nil-grade here showed us that very probable the accent was
> > originary on the last syllable
>
> And what does the full grade of Gmc. *an&ð- and Balto-Slavic *anHt-
> suggest to you? My interpretation of Miguel's suggestion is that the
> "preaspirated" allophone of *t arose at a historical stage in the
> development of PIE when thematic *-ó- was inherently accented and
> *-i-/*-u- were inherently unaccented. Accented *-tí- is a secondary
> development (though of course of PIE date).
>
> Piotr
>
>