--- In
cybalist@yahoogroups.com, "alexandru_mg3" <alexandru_mg3@...>
wrote:
> See Dersken on Leiden: *bHoih-d(H)h1-
That doesn't necessarily mean he assumes *bHoih-(dHh1)- to be of PIE
origin. He mostly follows Kortlandt, and the latter's theory of the
origin of the causatives-iteratives in -dýti, -dìnti/-dît, -dinât is
that (in a nutshell) Proto-Baltic had 3rd pl. forms *dedinti 'they
put' < *dHedHh1nti and *do?dinti (? = glottal stop) 'they give' <
*dodh3nti, reanalysed as *de-din-ti and *do-?din-ti, extracting two
'causative' suffixes: -din- and -?din-, later partly reworked in
-(?)di?- (-(d)ýti and -(d)ìnti indeed look like allomorphs in
Lithuanian with vascillation between dialects). When used to coin new
causatives, -?din- (with a glottal stop) caused métatonie rude when
added to a verbal root which ended in a vowel or a diphthong, while
-din- did not, and using both suffixes with the same root caused
inter- (Lith. baidýti vs. Latv. bai~dît 'scare') and intra-(Lith.
gim~do vs. gìmdo 'give(s) birth to') dialectal variations in pitch accent.
Sergei