On 2008-03-03 11:15, Sergejus Tarasovas wrote:
> With recycling, everything is possible. By the way, I wonder where the
> very type of Lithuanian causatives/iteratives in -dýti comes from. In
> that specific case of <baidýti> the <d> could well be part of the
> root, but there are a lot of Lithuanian causatives (<gìmti> 'be born'
> --> <gimdýti> 'give birth to') and iteratives (<mìnti> 'press' ->
> <mindýti> 'press (iterative)') in -dýti where the <d> is clearly a
> suffix (cf. the above examples). If this -d- is not from *-dHh1-, then
> what from?
How on earth did it get there if it's from *-dHh1-? It's quite
intriguing how productive the type is (there are scores of examples). Is
there a corresponding formation in Latvian? (I can't check it at the
moment.)
I've been having a look at the examples of "dH-presents" in the LIV. The
most convincing examples include *we/olh1-dH-e/o- 'rule, wield, be
mighty' (e-grade only in Baltic, Slavic and Germanic show *wolh1-dH-),
pleh1-dH-e/o- 'fill up, become full', perhaps also *kWelh1-dH-e/o- (but
it's attested only in Greek as teletHo: 'come into being'). Roots with
*-h1 seem to be overrepreseted here. Are "*dH-presents" variants of
"t-presents"
http://tech.groups.yahoo.com/group/cybalist/message/53707
with the "Olsen aspiration" of the extension?
We also have Lith. klóti 'extend' vs. Slavic *kladoN/*klasti 'lay' (as
if < *klah2-dH-) and Germanic *xlaþ-/*xlað- 'load' (as if from *klah2-t-
with an analogical short-vowel grade -- or an unrelated root? or a very
old borrowing? any ideas?). In root verbs, the extra *-dH- may come from
the athematic imperative (the *k^lu-dHi type). Quite certainly *h1i-dHi
accounts for the *d of Slavic *id- 'go'), but I can't see how it could
work for the Lithuanian causatives, which can't reflect any athematic type.
Piotr