On 2007-07-04 01:18, stlatos wrote:
> There are several odd changes involving i/y by KY. Some are
> optional within each like:
...
> *LoigYheye+ > *laigYyi+ > *laigYi+ / *lagYyi+ > Goth bilaigo:n; OHG
> lecco:n
These are different formations: caus./iter. *loig^H-éje/o- vs. pre-Gmc.
*lig^H-nó:- with nasal assimilation (Kluge's Law), nil-grade *i (not
umlauted *a!) in the root and no yod. Cf. OSax. likkon, OE liccian (wk.
Class II, no palatalisation!)
> *leukY+ > *leuxY+ > *leixY+ > OE li:h-
> *leukYsYkYox > *leixYsYo: > OE li:xan
> *leukYxY,do+? > *leigYeto: > OE li:getu / le:getu
Apart from the fact that the PIE root had *k rather than *k^, what we
have in these forms is the regular Anglian smoothing of inherited *iu >
i: (sometimes e:) before velars (of whatever origin).
> *prekYnYe+ > *frigYnYi+ > *friGY[nY/y]i+ > OE frignan / fricgan
What's so strange here? Germanic has a whole family of derived verbs
based on *prek^-, including denominative *fre:Go:-ja- (OHG fra:ge:n,
influenced by the stative type, and based on *fre:Go: 'question') as
well as *fursko:-ja- (Ger. forschen, based on a lost deverbal noun
formed from the original PIE present *pr.(k^)-sk^é/ó-), nasal-affixed
*frex-na- ~ *freG-na- (OIc. fregna, OE frignan, Goth fraíxnan), and
*friG-ja- (OE fricgan). Both of the last two are independently formed
Germanic innovations. Cf. *wak-ja- 'wake (sb.) up' (OE weccan, OHG
wecken, Goth uswakjan), *wak-no:-/-na- (OE wæcnan, ON vakna, Goth.
gawaknan) and the stative *wak-a-i-/*wak-ja- (Goth. wacan, OIc. vaka,
OHG wahhe:n), all influencing one another, hence e.g. such analogical or
hybrid formations as OE wacan, wacian, onwacnian, etc.
> *doikYno+ >> *taikYniyi+ > *taikYnYyi+ > *taikY(nY)yi+ > OE tæ:can > E
> teach; Goth taiknjan
OE tæ:can certainly goes back to denominative *taikni-ja- > *taiknja- >
pre-OE *ta:kja-, but the loss of the *n appears to be nothing more
dramatic than a reduction of a superheavy cluster -- a thing of little
significance.
Piotr