Re: [tied] Meillet's law

From: Miguel Carrasquer Vidal
Message: 47386
Date: 2007-02-11

>--- In cybalist@yahoogroups.com, Miguel Carrasquer <miguelc@...> wrote:
>
>--- In cybalist@yahoogroups.com, Mate Kapoviæ <mkapovic@...> wrote:
>>
>> On Sub, sijeèanj 20, 2007 12:11 am, mcarrasquer reèe:
>> > --- In cybalist@yahoogroups.com, "mandicdavid" <davidmandic@>
>> > wrote:
>>
>> > [The above are the main pillars of my theory about three (not
>two!)
>> > original Balto-Slavic accent paradigms. I have just thought of the
>> > following, but I don't have my books at hand here in Poland, so
>this
>> > is tentative:]
>> >
>> > acute root vowel: becomes a.p. a in closed syllable (or"d-lo,
>my"d-
>> > lo), remains a.p. b [acute elimination!] in open syllable (e.g.
>vê-
>> > dró).
>>
>> This doesn't really fit the material I think. There are tons of
>examples
>> of the acute being eliminated with the suffix -*dlo. Check out the
>list in
>> OSA 1990 (I think it's there).
>
>You're probably right. I'll check the material when I get home in a
>couple of days.

I've looked into it, and the accentuation of or"dlo (Lith.
árklas) "plough" can only be explained if the word was
barytone in PIE to begin with (Grk. árotron). The suffix
*-trom ~ *-tlom is predominantly dominant (stressed), but
not always so. The Greek form, with initial a-, excludes a
possible *h2orh3tróm, with Hirt's law affecting the sequence
/oRH/: it must be *h2érh3trom.

The verb ora"ti, o``rjoN "to plough" (a.p. c) also confirms
that the root was barytone. An oxytone *h2arh3jó: would
have become a.p. b (i.e. would have remained oxytone), cf.
z^InjóN (*gWi-n-h3-), z^IrjóN (*gWerH-), tIrjóN (*terh1-).
Barytone *h2árh3jo: would have lost the laryngeal as well as
the acute on the first syllable (syllabification
*/á-r(')oN/) by the time of Dybo's law. The post-Dybo form
*or(j)óN, *or(j)és^I would have merged with a.p. c, with
which it agreed in all but the 1sg. after the retraction of
the stress from final jers. Note that merger with a.p. b is
also possible: post-Dybo mogóN, moz^és^I does not become
a.p. c, but retracts the stress outside the 1sg.: mogóN,
mò(:)z^es^I. A je-stem case is serjóN, serjés^I => ser(j)óN,
sè(:)r(j)es^I. That we're not dealing with original a.p. b
(oxytone) verbs is revealed by the lengthening in Czech
(mohu, móz^es^; seru, sér^es^).

=======================
Miguel Carrasquer Vidal
miguelc@...