From: Mate Kapović
Message: 47018
Date: 2007-01-18
> --- In cybalist@yahoogroups.com, Mate Kapović <mkapovic@...> wrote:Don't you need it to be old if you relate it to laryngeal breaking?
>>
>> On Sri, siječanj 17, 2007 11:11 pm, mcarrasquer reče:
>> > Just a thought, before I forget.
>> >
>> > Could Slavic nogá "foot, leg" and no``gUtI "nail" be split forms
> of a
>> > common paradigm?
>> >
>> > We could have:
>> > N. *h3nógh(W)-o:t-s,
>> > A. *h3nógh(W)-ut-m.
>> >
>> > [Perhaps an oblique featuring /s/, like in *méh1no:ts, *m(e)
> h1nésos and
>> > the ptc. in *-wo:ts, *-usos]. The N. regularly gives Balto-Slavic
>> > *nagó:ts[*] > Slavic nogá:, while the A. yields BS *nágutiN >
> Slavic
>> > no``gUtI.
>> >
>> > [*] Which reminds me: I believe there was a very early Balto-
> Slavic
>> > soundlaw whereby a long vowel (not contracted, not laryngeal) in
> the
>> > ending attracted the stress. That explains why PD and AD nouns
>> > consistently have an oxytone Nsg. (classical example *h2ák^mo:n >
>> > akmuő), and why the i- and u-stem (mobile) Lsg. is oxytone in
> (Early)
>> > Slavic (from PIE *-e:i and *-e:u/*-o:u).
>> >
>> > The present tense 1sg. ending *-o: does not attract the stress
> (Slavic
>> > be``roN), which would, alas, be yet another argument against *-o:
> (u)
>> > and in favour of *-oh3.
>> >
>> > This would also resolve the discussion we had some time ago
>> > about "mother": whether PIE had *máh2tV:r or *mah2té:r, Balto-
> Slavic
>> > surely had *maHté:r (c.q. *maHté~), which subsequently became
>> > *má:te:r/*má:te~ after Hirt's law.
>>
>> How do you figure that? I'm not sure I get your point...
>
> My point is that, even before Pedersen's law (i.e. the transfer of
> mobility to the V-stems) and Hirt's law (which I had hitherto
> considered to be the oldest Balto-Slavic soundlaws),
> there wasOf course, *Hak'mó:n instead of *Hák'mo:n could be simply due to
> another soundlaw which shifted the accent forward to a long vowel in
> the ending. Sort of like a primordial de Saussure's law, except that
> it doesn't work on lengths produced by laryngeals. The effect of such
> a law would be to prepare the ground for Pedersen's law, as it makes
> almost all (non-neuter) athematic nouns have an end-stressed
> nominative singular (h2akmó:n as well as dHugHté:r) and a non-end-
> stressed accusative singular (h2ákmonim and dHugHtérim [later
> polarized to dHúgHterim]).
> So, instead of the different kinds of mobile paradigms of PIE
> (protero-, amphi-, hystero-kinetic/dynamic), this law moves Balto-
> Slavic in the direction of a single kinetic/dynamic (mobile)
> paradigm, which is what subsequently, by Pedersen's law, was
> transferred to the vowel stems.
>
>
>