Re: [tied] Balto-Slavic C-stems / long vowel endings

--- In cybalist@yahoogroups.com, Mate Kapoviæ <mkapovic@...> wrote:

>
> On Sri, sijeèanj 17, 2007 11:11 pm, mcarrasquer reèe:
> > Just a thought, before I forget.
> >
> > Could Slavic nogá "foot, leg" and no``gUtI "nail" be split forms

of a

> > common paradigm?
> >
> > We could have:
> > N. *h3nógh(W)-o:t-s,
> > A. *h3nógh(W)-ut-m.
> >
> > [Perhaps an oblique featuring /s/, like in *méh1no:ts, *m(e)

h1nésos and

> > the ptc. in *-wo:ts, *-usos]. The N. regularly gives Balto-Slavic
> > *nagó:ts[*] > Slavic nogá:, while the A. yields BS *nágutiN >

Slavic

> > no``gUtI.
> >
> > [*] Which reminds me: I believe there was a very early Balto-

Slavic

> > soundlaw whereby a long vowel (not contracted, not laryngeal) in

the

> > ending attracted the stress. That explains why PD and AD nouns
> > consistently have an oxytone Nsg. (classical example *h2ák^mo:n >
> > akmuõ), and why the i- and u-stem (mobile) Lsg. is oxytone in

(Early)

> > Slavic (from PIE *-e:i and *-e:u/*-o:u).
> >
> > The present tense 1sg. ending *-o: does not attract the stress

(Slavic

> > be``roN), which would, alas, be yet another argument against *-o:

(u)

> > and in favour of *-oh3.
> >
> > This would also resolve the discussion we had some time ago
> > about "mother": whether PIE had *máh2tV:r or *mah2té:r, Balto-

Slavic

> > surely had *maHté:r (c.q. *maHté~), which subsequently became
> > *má:te:r/*má:te~ after Hirt's law.
>
> How do you figure that? I'm not sure I get your point...

My point is that, even before Pedersen's law (i.e. the transfer of
mobility to the V-stems) and Hirt's law (which I had hitherto
considered to be the oldest Balto-Slavic soundlaws), there was
another soundlaw which shifted the accent forward to a long vowel in
the ending. Sort of like a primordial de Saussure's law, except that
it doesn't work on lengths produced by laryngeals. The effect of such
a law would be to prepare the ground for Pedersen's law, as it makes
almost all (non-neuter) athematic nouns have an end-stressed
nominative singular (h2akmó:n as well as dHugHté:r) and a non-end-
stressed accusative singular (h2ákmonim and dHugHtérim [later
polarized to dHúgHterim]).

So, instead of the different kinds of mobile paradigms of PIE
(protero-, amphi-, hystero-kinetic/dynamic), this law moves Balto-
Slavic in the direction of a single kinetic/dynamic (mobile)
paradigm, which is what subsequently, by Pedersen's law, was
transferred to the vowel stems.