Perfect vs. hi-conjugation: the truth at last

The Hittite conjugations run like this in the present
mi-conjugation, sg
1 -mi (< *-n,W-i)
2 -si
3 -zi

hi-conjugation, sg
1 -xi
2 -ti (< *-tx-i)
3 -i

both, pl
1 -weni
2 -teni
3 -anzi

(give or take some ablaut)

Obviously, -i is the mark of present. If it is removed,
we should get the preterite

mi-conjugation, sg
1 *-un (< *-n,W)
2 *-s
3 *-t

hi-conjugation, sg
1 *-x
2 *-ta (< *-tx)
3 *-

both, pl
1 *-wen
2 *-ten
3 *-ant


Actually, what we have is

mi-conjugation, sg
1 -un (< *-n,W)
2 -s
3 -t

hi-conjugation, sg
1 -xun (< *-x-n,W)
2 -ta (< *-tx)
3 -s

both, pl
1 -wen
2 -ten
3 -er

The 3pl pret is probably from *-an.
The thing that really needs explaining is the pret 3sg, which
also is a pivot for Jasanoff. In my view, every (durative)
verbal root has a parallel punctual stem in -s-, back-formed by
falsely interpreting a 2sg subjunctive in -si as an imperative
in -i, whereby it gets the punctual semantics of the imperative.
Here this punctual stem, with past semantics (in Baltic it is
used with future semantics) replaces the endingless (and
therefore potentially confusing) root in 2sg pret. hi-conjugation.


So therefore it is true that in Hittite the present is identical
to the preterite, except for the added -i. Now, the PIE perfect
does not have a suffix -i anywhere, it has instead a suffix -e
(= the augment, with Armenian adding another one in front of the
3sg of single-syllable verbs?).

Therefore, the PIE perfect corresponds not to the Hittite
hi-conjugation as such, but to the *preterite* of the
hi-conjugation. That insight ought to put to rest much idle
speculation on the incompability in tense between the two forms.

The question is whether Hittite has renewed by creating a new
present by adding -i to a preterite form inherited from PIE
(a kind of PIE preterite injunctive: add -i for present,
-e for perfect).

And BTW, if one stem can be exchanged for another in the 3sg pret
hi-conjugation, then the same must go for stems extended with
*-eh1 (stative) and *-ax (factitive, but once ingressive, according
to Jasanoff). That would explain the Baltic 3pers preterites from
*-e: and *-a: (and eventually the Slavic participal preterite too).


Torsten