From: tgpedersen
Message: 46210
Date: 2006-09-26
>That seems to work OK.
> On 2006-09-26 20:01, tgpedersen wrote:
>
> > It seems to me that this means that outside of the perfect, the
> > rule is that PIE o in a open syllable, *before a consonantal
> > resonant*, becomes a: in Skt., but that in the perfect, the
> > latter condition does not apply, only the former. Did I
> > misunderstand something?
>
> What Lehmann means is that Brugmann's law operates regularly
> before in non-final open syllables before resonants (Holger
> Pedersen) both in the perfect and elsewhere. Apparent exceptions
> are caused by laryngeals that were still there at the time
> Brugmann's Law operated in the ancestor of
> Indo-Iranian, affecting the syllabification:
>
> 1sg. *kWe-kWór-h2a (closed syllable) > Ved. cakára
> 3.sg. *kWe-kWór-e (open syllable) > Ved. caká:ra
>
> *g^onh1-éje-ti (closed sullable) > janáyati
>
> but
>
> *mon-éje-ti (open syllable) > ma:náyati
>
> Unlike (H.) Pedersen I think Brugmann's Law did not require a
> resonant -- it was conditioned solely by syllable structure, not
> by classes of segments. So, for example, the vowel of RV á:pas
> 'waters' is long because the PIE form was *h2óp-es, with an
> original *o and an open syllable, while the weak cases like
> gen.sg. apás contained *h2ap- (/h2ep-/), hence no lengthening;
> the same holds for nom.pl. <pá:das> (*pod-es) vs. gen. sg.
> <padás> (*ped-os) or the related noun <padám> 'footstep' <
> *ped-o-m (Gk. pédon, Hitt. pedan 'floor, ground', etc.). In
> <rátha-> there is no lenthening because the root had a final
> laryngeal (*róth2-o-), making the initial syllable closed. In
> earlier discussions on Cybalist I have suggested that <páti>
> comes from *pot-h1-i-. Some minor exceptions are more
> recalcitrant, but they can all be explained one way or another.