Re: [tied] 1sg. -o: [was Re: IE Thematic Vowel Rule]

On Wed, 24 Aug 2005 15:50:23 -0700 (PDT), glen gordon
<glengordon01@...> wrote:

>Miguel:
>> That's impossible, because there is nothing there to
>> lengthen the */o/.
>
>That's a biased and unproven assertion. Yes, it is
>possible because...
>
> IE *-o: < *-owi < unaccented *-omi

Unaccented *-omi? So what happened to accented *-ómi?

>This occured just after Vowel Shift, so it is a
>change that is quite late. Dialects were probably
>already beginning to break away from the core by this
>point, in fact. Perhaps, the occurences of *-o-mi
>in post-IE dialects is a lingering archaicism from a
>more 'innovative-resistant' dialect that got
>swallowed up by the IE expansion? Food for thought.
>
>
>> We only have */o:/ out of oH or -oRs/-oRh2

Correction: that should be -oCs/-oCh2 (it doesn't have to be
a resonant, as in po:ds, nepo:ts, etc.)

>Nope. We have not only the 1ps thematic *-o: as
>proof of the loss of *m but also locative *yugoi,
>again with the loss of *m seen in nominative *yugom.

No: you can't separate the neuter locative from the
masculine locative. There is no difference between
masculine and neuter in the oblique. Loc. *h1ek^w-o-i,
*yug-o-i.

>The difference between the two merely lies in
>accent placement. In both, however, *m disappears
>between *o and *i, as if first becoming *w. So
>we can formulate a thorough post-Vowel-Shift rule:
>
> *-ómi > *-ówi > *-ói
> *-omi > *-owi > *-o:

Thre isn't a single shred of evidence to support such an
accent-conditioned split.

>It's reminiscent of the Hittite /m/~/w/ alternation.

Which also has nothing to do with accent.

I said:

"We only have */o:/ out of oH or -oCs/-oCh2".

But there are some other cases of lengthening, namely:

- before word-final -ww (-wu), -yy (-yi), -wm, -mm. Examples
are the loc.sg. of u-stems *-e:u < *-ewu, loc. sg. of
i-stems: *-e:i < *-eyi, acc.sg. of diphtong-stems *gWo:m <
*gWowm, *dye:m < *dyewm; acc.sg. of m-stems *se:m < *sem-m.
- *-oj-m(s) > *-o:m(s) in the gen. and acc.pl. thematic.

However, these all give circumflex length in Balto-Slavic
(and Greek), except the acc.pl. where we have an acute due
to final -s. None of them can produce final acute -o:.

There is one more possibility which I overlooked. A
sequence *-o-eH would probably also have given a
Balto-Slavic acute (as in the ins. sg. *-o-éh1 > -ó:). There
is therefore a possibility that the NAdu. comes from *-o-eh3
(like the [non-Balto-Slavic] Npl. *-o-esW > *-o:s).


=======================
Miguel Carrasquer Vidal
mcv@...