In Romanian *ct gave *st.
I have an example with Rom. neguTãtor /neguc&tor/ a derived word
(agent name) from negoT /negoc/ < Lat. negotium.
It's contracted form neguTtor gave negustor in Romanian (in fact both
forms still coexist today).
So PRom/ORom *cT > Rom *st is regular.
In this case we could have:
PIE *k't > PAlb *ct (and not PAlb *kt (so for 'eight'-> PAlb. form
was *acto: not akto:)) > Alb. t <-> Rom. st
(for PIE *k't > finally Alb. t -> Alb. tetë < PIE ok'to:(ti))
My investigation is related to Rom. aia/ãsta/asta 'this one'(Latin
ista, istum) - Alb. ay/aio/atë 'he/she or that one' and all their
derived forms.
For sure Rom. aia (considered from Lat. illa (please note that Lat.
illa gave already Rom. ea)) is the same word as Alb. aio < PAlb aia:
(see a:>o again, transformation older than Romans arrival in Balkans
showing that Pre-Romanian Subtratum was at least dialectal different
from the Pre-Albanian one)
For the Acc. Albanian Form atë -> I strongly suspect a PAlb. form
*acta/acta: (maybe with or without some vowels between c and t)
URLs:
Rom. el,ea ->
http://dexonline.ro/search.php?cuv=el&source=
Rom. ãla,aia ->
http://dexonline.ro/search.php?cuv=ala&source=
Rom. ãsta,asta ->
http://dexonline.ro/search.php?cuv=asta&source=
Best Regards,
Marius
--- In cybalist@yahoogroups.com, "alex" <alxmoeller@...> wrote:
> alexandru_mg3 wrote:
> > Thanks a lot. So PIE *k't > PAlb *t.
> >
> > Are we sure that the intermediary stage was *kt?
> > Is not better to suppose *ct in place?
> >
> > So maybe PAlb *acto:(ti) in place of *akto:(ti)?
> >
> > Thanks again,
> > Marius
>
>
> do you have some certain examples in mind here?
> I suspect if the "k^" did not merged together with "k" forming one
and
> the same cluster "kt", then the output in "albanoid" words in Rom.
> should be "sht" . The merging of "k^t" with "kt" should yeld of
course
> "pt".
> However, ad hoc I don't recall any examples which should show this
> change.
>
> Alex
>
>
>
>
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