From: mkapovic@...
Message: 35470
Date: 2004-12-16
>Nothing caused it. There was no lengthening of thematic -e-. It's just a
> I'll try to recapitulate my thoughts.
>
> Balto-Slavic accentuation continues a late PIE simplified
> accentual system, which can be reconstructed as follows:
>
> Nouns: C-stems are either static (barytone) or laterally
> mobile. The laterally mobile paradigm represents the merger
> of the three PIE mobile nominal accent paradigms
> (proterodynamic, hysterodynamic and amphidynamic), where the
> acc., loc.+dat. sg., the nom. and acc. pl. and the nom./acc.
> du. are barytone, the other cases are oxytone (except the
> nom. sg., which can be barytone or oxytone, depending on the
> original type: *nébhos, *dhughté~). All "vowel" stems (-o-,
> -a:-, -i-, -u-) have acquired columnal stress, and can be
> either barytone or non-barytone.
>
> Verbs (present system): C-stems are either acrostatic
> (barytone) or mobile (originally the sg. was barytone, the
> pl. and du. were oxytone). Thematic verbs are barytone
> (*bhéreti) or non-barytone (*tudéti, and verbs in *-néti,
> *-yéti, *-sk^éti, *-éyeti, *-iyéti).
>
> There are therefore basically three accent paradigms:
> I. fixed barytone
> II. fixed non-barytone
> III. laterally mobile
>
> Like Greek, Armenian and Tocharian, Balto-Slavic is affected
> by the Francis-Normier law, which vocalizes the laryngeals
> h2/h3 after the resonants y/w (i/u). This explains why byti
> (*bhuh2-), z^iti (*gWih3-), piti (*pih3-) etc. were not
> affected by Hirt's law.
>
> Hirt's law: non-vocalized laryngeals attract the stress from
> a following syllable. This affects the sequences *eh1, *eh2,
> *eh3, *oH, *r.H, *l.H, *m.H, *n.H, *ih1, *uh1, but not
> sequences like *e/or&, *e/ol&, *e/oN& or *i&, *u&.
> The effect of Hirt's law is to increase the number of
> barytones at the expense of non-barytones and mobiles.
> Hirt's law is (sometimes?) blocked by oxytonic (a.p. II)
> suffixes, such as *-tlóm (e.g. stah2-tlóm > sta:tlá(m)) or
> *-kó- (e.g. *-ah2kós > *-a:kás).
>
> Winter's law lengthens (with acute intonation) short vowels
> before PIE (*b), *d, *g, *g^, *gW, (*z). Diphthongs are
> also acutized under the same circumstances. This reinforces
> the opposition between acute and circumflex vowels and
> syllables in Balto-Slavic. Short vowels (a, e, i, u) have
> falling intonation, as do resonants in syllable final
> position (-m, -n, -l, -r, -i, -u). Length (:) has rising
> intonation, whether original or due to a laryngeal (h, &) or
> to Winter's law (?d etc.), but superlong vowels (~) have
> falling intonation. E.g. the o-stem nom. sg. -a\s is short
> falling (-ŕs), the acc.sg. -a\m\ has a short vowel, but the
> syllable is circumflex (-am~). The dat. [PIE -o\e\i\ >]
> -o\:/i\ is circumflex (-ői), as is the abl. -a\a\(d) > -a\~\
> (-ă, uncontracted -a(h)ŕ > Slav. -ogo). In the ah2-stems,
> we have e.g. nom. sg. -a\h2/ (acute), acc.sg. -a\h2/m\
> (acute vowel, circumflex syllable), acc.pl. -a\h2/ms (acute,
> as the /m/ is not syllable final), gen.sg. -a\h2/o\s = -ăs
> (circumflex). A special case are the sequences -a\i\(h1)
> (circumflex -ai~ > Slav. -ę: o-stem loc.sg.; NA n. du.) vs.
> -a\j(h1/) (o-stem nom.pl.; optative suffix. Notated as -aí >
> Slav. -i, but not really acute [doesn't trigger Saussure's
> law in Lith.])
>
> Pedersen's law is the analogical extension of lateral
> mobility to, initially, the accusatives of vowel stems. As a
> result, masculine and feminine non-barytones become mobile
> (as well as adjectives). Only the neuter o-stems nouns
> retain fixed non-barytone stress.
> In the verb, the only similar development (which needn't be
> simultanous with Pedersen's law) is that some (most?)
> causatives (e.g. *poih3-éje-ti > *paji~ti) become mobile for
> some reason, while iteratives (e.g. *wod-éje-ti > *wadi~ti)
> remain fixed non-barytone, as do the other types of verbs
> mentioned above (*-né-, *-(i)jé-, *-sk^é- and denominatives
> in *-ijé > -í:- [acute]).
>
> In Lithuanian, the three accent paradigms are reduced to two
> (barytonic vs. mobile) by metatonic processes such as
> *de:tlóm -> de~:klas, and are subsequently split into two
> each (a.p. 1/2, 3/4) by Saussure's law.
>
> The Slavic accent laws are:
>
> - Meillet's law. This deletes most prosodic features from
> mobile paradigms. The barytone forms become enclitic (ná
> golvoN) or proclitic (z^ivU-jÍ) if possible (otherwise they
> have non-acute stress on the first syllable: gol~voN,
> z^i~vU), the oxytone forms also lose all trace of acute
> intonation in the pretonic syllables.
>
> - Dybo's law. Non-acute barytones shift the ictus one
> syllable to the right (a.p. b). In nominal forms, this
> should have resulted in a merger of non-acute barytones with
> old a.p. II words (in practice, only PIE oxytone o-stem
> neuters). However, masculine o-stems affected by Dybo's law
> become mobile (a.p. c, c.q. traces of a.p. "d") [this also
> happens to a large extent in the i-stems], while the gap is
> filled with neuter o-stems affected by Dybo's law, which
> become a.p. b _masculines_ (Illich-Svitych's law). (The
> merger of acute barytone (a.p. a) u-stems with mobile (a.p.
> c) u-stems may be a later development).
> In the verb, non-acute barytones also become a.p. (b),
> except that old (non-acute) o-grade barytones ending in an
> obstruent (bod-tei > bosti, etc.) become mobile (a.p. c).
> O-grade verbs ending in a resonant (borjoN, koljoN, poljoN,
> porjoN, meljoN) do not become mobile, but shift to jé-stems
> (old a.p. II -> a.p. b verbs are typically jé-stems).
>
> The existence of a.p. II = a.p. b verbs (-né-, -jé-, -sk^é-
> verbs, iteratives and denominatives in -i~- and -í:-) and
> nouns (o-stem neuters) _before_ Dybo's law is something of a
> novelty, as far as I know. It raises the possibility of a
> parallel "Obyd's law" (Dybo's law in reverse), retracting
> the accent to the left in non-acute a.p. II verbs (this
> certainly didn't happen in the o-stem neuter nouns, which
> remain oxytone even if the root is acute: vędró, stadló,
> dędló, etc.). The inverse Dybo's law certainly seems to
> have worked in the infinitive (oxytone, therefore comparable
> to a.p. II/b), where the stress is retracted in most (all?)
> acute-root verbs (whether their present is a.p. a, b or c).
> In any case, this needs further investigation. By another
> retraction law, a long circumflex vowel in pretonic position
> also causes retraction of the stress in oxytone forms, such
> as for instance in the infinitive of i-verbs (*vodi~tí =>
> vodi''ti). In this case, the retraction also applies to the
> o-stem neuters (*me~msá(m) => *méNso, *o:ujá(m) => *jáje,
> and subsequent merger with the mobile class (meN~so, ja~je).
>
> - Stang's law. The accent is retracted from weak (usually
> final, a.p. c) yers, and from medial long circumflex
> (non-acute) vowels (e.g. iterative -i~-, lengthened thematic
> vowel -é~- [what caused this?]).