[tied] Re: lat. nux, -cis - PIE?

From: alexandru_mg3
Message: 35033
Date: 2004-11-10

"If <lakthi> is an authentic form,
then you seem to be right about the origin of the <-j->, but we should
start with something like *lakVc- or *lagVc- in Proto-Albanian"

But in this case you are very close from my proposed form:
PAlb. *alwaknic-ja or *alaknic-ja that fit very well too.
There is no issue to derive 'lajthi' from here.


Also there is no issue to compare Alb. 'lajthi' with existing
Rom. 'aluniTa':
1. the lost of an initial a in Alb
(as in: Rom. amorTi / Alb. mërdhi)
2. th < c (Rom. Tarc / Alb. thark)
3. and j < nj

all of them are 'normal' derivations rules in Albanian.

Applying them we easy obtain PAlb *alanjc-(ja)/*alwanjc-(ja) that
is quite the same with the current Romanian word: 'aluniTa' 'small
hazel nut'.
So there is no issue to compare the Romanian and the Albanian
form...in contrary.

Could we ignore this obvious match between Romanian and Albanian
forms 'lajthi'/'aluniTa' especially when we have about three hundred
old common words between Albanian and Romanian ?

Why Latv. lagzda or Slavic *le^ska are considered closer (even
today there are no common derivation available) to Albanian 'lajthi'
but not the existing Romanian word : 'aluniTa', when there are no
difficulties to derive them from a common PAlb form and the meaning
is the same ?

Only the Best,
Marius

--- In cybalist@yahoogroups.com, Piotr Gasiorowski <gpiotr@...>
wrote:
> On 04-11-08 14:41, Abdullah Konushevci wrote:
>
> > I have treated this word in two messages of Balkanika,
> > Message 886:
> > Pokorny support Meyer's etymology that Alb. <lajthi/lejthi> is
> > derived from noun root *leg'(h)- or *lHg'h- `branch', related to
> > Lit. <lazda> `id.' And Sl. <leska> `id.', loza `wine, wood, bush'.
> > This etymology is also supported by N. Jokl, who reconstruct an
> > early form *ladh with an epenthetic –j-. Camaj reconstruct *l-al-
thi
> > to explain exactly this epenthetic –j-.
>
> Yes. This "epenthetic -j-" is the biggest problem in the derivation.
>
> > As Çabej as well as Demiraj treat the word <lajthi> as derivative
of
> > Alb. <lak> `noose, slip' (Demiraj, 231).
> > There is an attested form <lakthi> in Borgo Erizzo (Tagliavini,
> > Dalmazia, 166-167). If we agree that /kt/ yields /jt/, I think
that
> > also /kth/ should yields too /jth/ and the problematic /j/ is easy
> > explainable.
>
> I agree, but only if the cluster is of recent origin (a loan, a
late
> formation or the result of a recent phonetic process). In an
inherited
> word, -kC- would have been simplified, cf. natë < *nokWt- and te
(të) <
> *ok^to:- vs. drejt- < Lat. d(i)rectu-. If <lakthi> is an authentic
form,
> then you seem to be right about the origin of the <-j->, but we
should
> start with something like *lakVc- or *lagVc- in Proto-Albanian.
Note
> djathtë < *dek^si-t-, also with a cluster resulting from syncope. I
> still can't see how to reconcile such forms with the Slavic word,
though
> my gut feeling (not only mine, it seems) is that they are
ultimately
> related. Also, OPr. laxde and Latv. lagzda immediately spring to
mind.
>
> > Geg form <lejthi> is due to i-Umlaut. –i is a reflex
> > of –iH1 plural suffix.
>
> There is no such plural suffix anywhere. *-ih1 is found in neuter
duals,
> but why should a word for 'hazel(nut)' be a dual? I think it's
really a
> collective in *-ijo-. Albanian has plenty of them.
>
> > If we take into account that PIE root *lenk- `to bend' yilds in
OCS
> > <le,šti> `to bend' and lešnjak `hazelnut', I believe that zero-
grade
> > form *ln.k- suffixed in –st-iH1 yields in Albanian <lajthi>
through
> > la(n)k-st-i > lakthi > lajthi.
>
> Since when is <les^njak> OCS?? The word has nothing to do with the
> 'bend' root anyway. The base of the Slavic word-family in question
is
> *le^ska '(hazel) stick, hazel-bush'. Note the *e^, which must come
from
> pre-Slavic *e:, *ai or *oi (or perhaps from *e lengthened before a
> voiced stop [Winter's Law], if there ever was one in this word);
> <les^njak> is derived from the adj. *le^s^c^-In-U (cf. such Polish
> placenames as Leszno < Leszczno 'hazel grove'; the associated
adjective
> is still <leszczyn'ski>).
>
> Piotr
>
> >
> > Best of the best
> > Konushevci