Re: [tied] *g'(h)- > d as aberrant outcome

--- In cybalist@yahoogroups.com, "elmeras2000" <jer@...> wrote:

> --- In cybalist@yahoogroups.com, Miguel Carrasquer <mcv@...> wrote:
>
> > For this once: PIE *gh merges with PIE *g everywhere, except
> > in Indo-Aryan (gh ~ g), Greek (kh ~ g), Latin (h ~ g) and in
> > Germanic and Armenian (g ~ k). Since I assume your fantasy
> > "Romanian" does not belong to the aspirating group (not that
> > it matters for palatalization: Indo-Aryan gh palatalizes
> > exactly like Indo-Aryan g), nor to the Grimm-shifted group,
> > it should belong in the majority group (Celtic, Iranian,
> > Balto-Slavic, Albanian, Tocharian, Anatolian) where *g and
> > *gh merged. Therefore, there can be no difference in the
> > palatalization behaviour of *g and *gh.
>
> Well, *are* there any examples deciding whether non-labiovelar *gh
> is palatalized or not in Albanian? I wouldn't like to stake too

much

> in gjenj 'find' vs. Lat. prehendo:.
>
> Jens

************
I don't know what are you really aimed, but Alb. <gjenj> is hard to
be separated from *ghod-ényo > gad-ényo (due to merger of voiced
aspirate stops and voiced stops and –VCV- = -V) > genyo > gjânj, due
to e > ja (cf. <gjâj fëmijë> `beget', <gjâj me faj> `find guilty'),
but aor. <gjeta>, part. <gjetun/gjetur>, s. <gjetje> `finding,
discovery'. Umlaut is caused probably from third p. sing. gjati >
gjet. Today's <gjenj> is remodeled by aorist form. Form <gjâj> could
be heared even now in many dialects. Also <gjoja> `booty' with o
vocalism.
Other from *ghend- > gjind- (cf. bhendh- > Alb. bind `to convince',
due to eCC > icc) with tendency to be reshaped in <gjendem> `to be
adepted, to be situated. to succed somehow'. Causative *ghond-ényo
yields in Alb. <gandoj> 'to injure, to hurt'.

Konushevci