Re: [tied] *g'(h)- > d as aberrant outcome

I wrote about variation between d- and dh- and the role of sandhi in my
postings about the history of Albanian consonants (I'm sorry I didn't finish
the series. I'd like to return to it but I'm too busy at the moment; it will
be cintinued in June or July.) Some of the comparisons you suggest are
faulty. I don't believe <ngjesh> can have anything to do with <dor�>; the
standard derivation from *h1en-)joh3s- is impeccable, number 7 also looks
impossible to me, especially because **g^Hos- 'guest' is a fake etymon.
<gjym�s�> is related neither to *g^em- nor to *sem- (BTW, two different IE
roots), whatever else it represents. Daco-Romanian jum�tate and Aromanian
g^umitate are obviously related to it. Hamp reconstructs pre-Albanian
*jumitja: (shouldn't it be *ju:mitja: ?), but in fact the form seems to be
hopelessly ambiguous.

Finally, <dhjes> is normally assigned to the root *g^Hed- 'defecate'
together with Greek kHezo: and Skt. hadati. If my memory serves me well,
Cimochowski accepted that etymology too (I'm not sure from which of his
articles you took the idea that it might reflect *k^ekW-).

PIotr

----- Original Message -----
From: "Abdullah Konushevci" <a_konushevci@...>
To: <cybalist@yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Saturday, May 08, 2004 2:36 AM
Subject: [tied] *g'(h)- > d as aberrant outcome


1. *g'heim > dimen/dim�r `winter', but prefixed form <m�r-dhij> `to
get cold' < *m�r-g'him-yo (cf. m�r-dhez `to blush, flush' vs.
ndez `to light, to kindle' < *n-dogW-�nyo, besides *degW- > djeg `to
burn')
2. *g'he:s-ro > dor� `hand', but prefixed form n-g'hes > ngjesh `to
press, compress' (cf. Romanian inghesiu `id.')
3. * (dh)g'h(y)es > dje `yesterday'
4, * g'emh1-`to marry'>g'm.H1-eh2 >dam�s >dasm� `wedding' (cf. gjym�s
> gjysm� `half'; Lat. semi- `id.', Gr. hemi-`id.').
5. * g'enu-, suffixed o-grade form *g'onu-a: `jawbone, chin' >
dana/dar�
6. *g'heh1- > g'he:-`to release, let go'. Prefixed forms sh-g'he:�nyo
> shkonj `go', trash�goj `inherit'; m�r-gonj `to migrate' (cf. also
m�r-thej `to send off', besides <the qaf�n!> `move off')
7. *g'hos- `guest, host, stranger' >dash-a-mir� `benevolent'

Writing about Alb. verb <dhjes> `to shit', probably from PIE *k'ekW-
e, Cimochowski noticed that other verbs and adjectives, derived from
this verb, like <ndyj> `to dirt', adj. <i ndyt�> `dirty, foul',
<ndot> `to dirty, to soil', due to sand'hi, they shift interdental to
dental. For this reason, he seeks the aberrant outcome of *g'(h)- > d
in Albanian, believing that this phenomenon must be also caused by
sand'hi. Indeed, in prepositional syntagma (PN), many words, like
<dor�> `hand', dim�r `winter', <dje> `yesterday', dash `host',
dasm� `wedding', <dara> `pincers, nippers' are mostly used in acc.
case: n� dor� > ndor�, n� dim�r > ndim�r, deri n� dje > deri ndje,
ndashta `maybe', n� dasm�, ndasm�, which caused *g'(h) to be treated
as /d/, likewise of /d/ treated like /dh/ in sand'hi (cf. above
<m�r.dhez> `to flush, blush', due to /rd/ > /dh/ besides <ndez> `to
kindle'; <m�r.dhij> `to get cold', besides <dim�r> `winter'.
I think that in etymological researches is very little respected and
known the phonetics' syntax or sand'hi.
I am afraid that again I wan't get any feedback.