From: Piotr Gasiorowski
Message: 25990
Date: 2003-09-24
> PIE verb *k^leu- firstly underwent further palatalization *k^l- > kl-Or rather *k^l- > q, and _then_, after a nasal, *n-q- > ngj- (trivial
> > q and, secondly, in other envirmont, *k^l- > gl- > (g.) g- and (t.)
> > gj-.
> In Slavic, from extended o-grade form *k^lous- > k^lus- we haveThat's roughly OK (to be precise, *k^lou-(h1)s- > *slux-, palatalised
> probably <slušati> `to hear'. I am not sure, but I guess it is so.
> For this reason, I don't see any problem why *ndi-k^lou-enyo couldBut if you separate the nasal of the prefix from the root anlaut in this
> derives in Albanian <dëgjoj> `to hear',
> and why not *ndi-gWet-yo couldn't derives <ngjes> `to glue'. MaybeWhich phenomenon? The data you have produced are irrelevant. You still
> Mr. Rasmussen or Mr. Vidal could help us in explaining such
> phenomenon.
> P.S. To be correct, until now, Albanian verb <dëgjoj> `to hear' wasSo how exactly do the dialectal forms undermine the Latin etymology?
> treated as loan from Latin <intellegere>, without taking into account
> different dialectal forms of the verb.