Re: [tied] Timing of ablaut

On Mon, 22 Sep 2003 22:49:18 +0200 (CEST), Jens Elmegaard Rasmussen
<jer@...> wrote:

>> There's the other s-stem anas- (Lat. onus), with *h3o- (*h3e-) before a
>> voiced consonant.
>
>I believe this word had a laryngeal also after the /n/.

I'm not aware of any evidence for that.

>> I agree with your previous statement that páti- is analogical (although
>> for different reasons: I think the original nom.sg. of the word was
>> *pótyo:n, as preserved in Toch.B. petso).
>
>The Toch. form reflects transfer to the productive oy-stem type which had
>nom. in *-o: just like the n-stems.

As the feminine *potnih2 shows, this was originally an n-stem. According
to the soundlaws I have found, we would expect the development:

nom. **pá:t-in-z > **póty&:nz > *pótyo:n
acc. **pá:t-in-m > **póty&nm > *pótim
gen. **pa:t-ín^-a:s > **pet&yós > *pétyos

This is confirmed by Tocharian <petso>. Elsewhere, the nom.sg. *pótis was
shaped after the acc.sg.

>Are you applying Brugmann's law to a prestage of the IE protolanguage? Did
>PIE *dór-u, *g^ón-u have a longer vowel than *H3éd-os 'smell', *H3ékW-iH1
>'eyes'?

That's what I said. The vowel that was rounded by *h3 is etymologically
short (original *o itself is not affected by laryngeals), so we don't
expect it to give /a:/ in Indo-Iranian. The *o in *dóru(r), *g^ónu(r)
comes from pre-PIE **a: (by the extremely common development /a:/ > /o:/)
[but in other cases it comes from **u:] and since there was no short /o/
that it contrasted with (as opposed to *e vs. *e: < **i:) the tendency was
for it to get shortened. The retention of length in an open syllable is a
remarkable archaism in Indo-Iranian.


=======================
Miguel Carrasquer Vidal
mcv@...