From: alex
Message: 25470
Date: 2003-09-02
>> I wonder how you wonder. They are the satem forms of the IE root. WhyI understand it so: because there are people which - if interested- they
>> should I mention the centum forms here? Comparation should be done
>> within the same group in this case, imho.
>
> What was the point of your listing all those Satem forms? The people
> potentially interested in this discussion know them better than you
> do.
>> The coresponding sound of Alb. /dh/ is not Rom. /dz/ or /z/ butI am speaking about PIE *g^her- which as phonetic form and meaning is
>> simply /d/
>> Alb-Rom: hurdhë - leurdã; shkardhë - zgardã
>
> Partly inaccurate, and completely irrelevant. We are not talking about
> _these_ <dh>'s.
>
>> The Alb. /d/ should be the result of PIE *g^ and *g^h ( Pekmezi, Gr.
>> Alb. Spr. 29)
>> And for this example I shoued by myself the PIE *g^her- which gave in
>> Alb. "dorë" and in Rom. "ghearã".
>
> ??? -- The PIE word was actually *g^Hesr. (check the archive), and
> <ghearã> has nothing to do with it.
>No.I don't see the "z" there _as you see it_. And you know why? And I
> Thus, the Albanian form of
>> '*h2arg^-es-jo-' should have been '*ardes-'. No /s/, no /z/ but
>> simply "d".
>
> /d/ _and_ /ð/ (<dh>), actually, and the latter is regular after /r/
> (I've written about this before!). In a similar context we have Alb.
> bardhë 'white' < *bHr.h2g^-. The substratal cognate in Romanian is
> <barzã> -- you _do_ see the <z>, right?
> (dialectal /dz/) in substratal words that have Albanian cognates withI am afaid the PIE *g^h has given "g" "ghe" or "ghi" in Rom depending on
> /d/~/ð/ from *g^(H). I take the affricate *dz (partly surviving in
> Romanian) to have been an intermediate stage between PIE *g^(H) and
> Mod.Alb. /d/~/ð/.
>
> Piotr