Re: slavic "dalto"

Bisedes Alb. Gdhend `to rough-polish, to carve' and gdhe `knot',
also dal "to go out, to separate', to claim that daltë is Slavic
loan, it seems something is not correct as to claim that Slavs was
before the Illyrians and Dacs in this region.. Albanian verb dal 'to
go' has it cognate in Latin dalo 'to cut' and can easy be derived
from PIE *dail- `to divede'. In the word daltë `chisel', as in words
baltë `mud', mjaltë `honey' –të is common ending (cf. *mel and Alb.
mjaltë `honey'). Also, to claim that PIE *da- and *dail- `to
divede', northern Indo-European root extended from *da(h)i- (C.
Watkins, Indo-European and the Indo-Europeans, *da-, *dail) is again
something not correct.
The same thing is true about baltë `(cf. also Alb. balë "white spot
in forehead') mud' from PIE *bhel- or, to be more precisely, from
its o grade form *bhol-.
Konushevci
************

--- In cybalist@yahoogroups.com, "Piotr Gasiorowski"
<piotr.gasiorowski@...> wrote:

> --- In cybalist@yahoogroups.com, "Abdullah Konushevci"
> <akonushevci@...> wrote:
> > Çabej treats it as cognate with Skt dalyati "to split, to

separate"

> > and as an unchauvenistic linguist, even with Slavic

*delbto/*dolbto.

> > Regards,
> > Konushevci
> > ************
>
> The Skt. forms are actually <dalati> 'burst, fly open' and its
> causative <da:layati>. There are well-known problems with

Indic /l/,

> and it's hard to guarantee that this particular word reflects PIE
> *del- rather than being a by-form of Indic {dar-} < *der- 'tear',

but

> let's leave Indic alone and assume that Pokorny's reconstruction of
> the root *del- is basically correct.
>
> Your earlier claim was that <daltë> could be derived from "*da-",

so

> let's note for the record now that you seem to be claiming

something

> else now (*del- can't be an extended root). Balto-Slavic *delb- is
> almost certainly related to Germanic *delb- (cf. Eng. delve) -- a
> typical North European root restricted to these three branches and
> reconstructible as *dHelbH- (therefore unrelated to *del-).
>
> Now let me repeat my question in this new context: If Albanian

<daltë>

> derives from *del-, can you present the derivation in some detail?

In

> particular, I'd like to see in what way this hypothesis is

superior to

> the widespread opinion that <daltë> 'chisel' and <baltë> 'mud' are
> early loans from Slavic (reflecting unmetathesised *dolto, *bolto).
>
> Piotr