"christopher gwinn" <
sonno-@...> wrote:
original article:
http://www.egroups.com/group/cybalist/?start=1198
> -s-jo-/-s-ja stems do produce -dd- in Welsh (*Sasia behind Welsh
Saidd, Corios behind Cordd) - but there might also be cases where -dd-
does not develop - for example PIE *H1eseH2s "her" perhaps becomes
Gaulish Eia and Welsh Ei "her" due to later Celtic loss of internal -s-
(ex: Common Celtic *Suesor "sister" becomes Late Gaulish Suior, Welsh
Chwaer, Irish Siur/Fiur) - unless, of course, Eia is modelled on a
form without internal -s- which is also possible.
>
> K.H. Jackson has Welsh DD (earlier D) from -j- occuring in the fourth
or fifth centuries AD.
> Gwynedd is found as Uenedotis in inscriptions from the Fifth Century
AD. This must come from an earlier Common Celtic *Uenedatis /
*Uenesiatis / *Ueneiiatis (-atis is a locative stem in Celtic) - in any
case, all three forms are likely from PIE *Wen-, but are not direct
developments from *Wen-et-.
In fact, welsh -dd- in general corresponds to breton zh, in bloawezh
"years" for example. So if Gwynedd was indeed cognate with breton
Gwened, maybe the breton form should be *Gwenezh.
Guillaume
>